Volume II Part 31 (1/2)

”The existing political state of France is connected with certain internal & powerfully operating causes by which it has been & will continue to be greatly influenc'd. Not the least of these is the tenure by which property is held.

”In the course of the revolution it is believed that more than half the land of France has become national.[629] Of this a very considerable proportion has been sold at a low rate.

”It is true that much of it belonged to those who have fallen under the Guillotine or who have been termed emigrants. Among the emigrants are many whose attachment to their country has never been shaken; & what is remarkable, among them are many who were never out of France. The law upon this subject is worthy of attention.

”Any two persons, no matter what their reputation, may, to some authority, I believe the munic.i.p.ality of the district, write & subscribe against any person whatever a charge, that such person is an emigrant, on receipt of which the person so charg'd is without further investigation inscribed on the list of emigrants.

”If the person so inscribed be afterwards apprehended while his name remains on the list, the trial, as I understand, is, not of the fact of emigration, but of the ident.i.ty of the persons, & if this ident.i.ty be established, he is instantly fusiller'd [shot]. The law is either rightly executed or permitted to be relax'd, as the occasion or the temper of the times may direct.

”During intervals of humanity some disposition has been manifested to permit the return of those who have never offended, who have been banished by a terror which the government itself has reprobated, & to permit in case of arrestation, an investigation of the fact of emigration as well as of the ident.i.ty of the person accus'd.

”There is too a great deal of property which has been sold as national but which in truth was never so, & which may be reclaimed by the original proprietors.

”In this state the acquirers of national property are of course extremely suspicious. They form a vast proportion of the population of France. They are not only important in consequence of their numbers, but in consequence of their vigor, their activity & that unity of interest which produces a unity of effort among them.

”The armies too have been promised a milliard. This promise rests upon the national property for its performance. The effect of these circ.u.mstances cannot escape your observation. Cla.s.ses of citizens are to be disfranchised against the next election.”

Marshall and Pinckney, at this early stage of Talleyrand's financial-diplomatic intrigue, were so disgusted that they were on the point of ”returning to America immediately.” The continuance of French depredations on the high seas caused Marshall to write to Was.h.i.+ngton as follows:--

”The captures of our vessels seem to be only limited by the ability to capture. That ability is increasing, as the government has let out to hardy adventurers the national frigates. Among those who plunder us, who are most active in this infamous business, & most loud in vociferating criminations equally absurd and untrue, are some unprincipled apostates who were born in America.

”These sea rovers by a variety of means seem to have acquired great influence in the government.

”This influence will be exerted to prevent an accommodation between the United States & France and to prevent any regulations which may intercept the pa.s.sage of the spoils they have made on our commerce, to their pockets. The government I believe is too well disposed to promote their views. At present it seems to me to be radically hostile to our country.

”I cou'd wish to form a contrary opinion, but to do so I must shut my eyes on every object which presents itself to them & fabricate in my own mind non-existing things, to be subst.i.tuted for realities, & to form the basis of my creed.

”Might I be permitted to hazard an opinion it wou'd be the Atlantic only can save us, & that no consideration will be sufficiently powerful to check the extremities to which the temper of this government will carry it, but an apprehension that we may be thrown into the arms of Britain.”

Although the Treaty of Campo Formio had been signed on the 17th of October, Paris had not yet heard of it. This treaty marked Bonaparte as the most constructive diplomat, as well as the foremost captain, of the age, for such he had already proved himself to be. A week later, when Marshall wrote the above letter to Was.h.i.+ngton (October 24, 1797), he reported that ”The negotiations with the Emperor of Austria are said not to have been absolutely broken off. Yesterday it was said that peace with him was certain. Several couriers have arrived lately from Buonaparte & the national debt rose yesterday from seven to ten livres in the hundred. Whether this is founded on a real expectation of peace with Austria or is the mere work of stock jobbers is not for me to decide.”

But three days afterward (October 27) the news reached Paris; and Marshall adds this postscript: ”The definitive peace is made with the Emperor. You will have seen the conditions. Venice has experienced the fate of Poland. England is threatened with an invasion.”[630]

The thunders of cannon announcing Bonaparte's success were still rolling through Paris when Talleyrand's plotters again descended upon the American envoys. Bellamy came and, Pinckney and Gerry being at the opera, saw Marshall alone. The triumph of Bonaparte was his theme. The victorious general was now ready to invade England, announced Bellamy; but ”concerning America not a syllable was said.”[631]

Already Talleyrand, sensitive as any hawk to coming changes in the political weather, had begun to insinuate himself into the confidence of the future conqueror of Europe, whose diplomatic right arm he so soon was to become. The next morning the thrifty Hottenguer again visits the envoys. Bonaparte's success in the negotiations of Campo Formio, which sealed the victories of the French arms, has alarmed Hottenguer, he declares, for the success of the American mission.

Why, he asks, have the Americans made no proposition to the Directory?

That haughty body ”were becoming impatient and would take a decided course in regard to America” if the envoys ”could not soften them,”

exclaims Talleyrand's solicitous messenger. Surely the envoys can see that Bonaparte's treaty with Austria has changed everything, and that therefore the envoys themselves must change accordingly.

Exhibiting great emotion, Hottenguer a.s.serts that the Directory have determined ”that all nations should aid them [the French], or be considered and treated as enemies.” Think, he cries, of the ”power and violence of France.” Think of the present danger the envoys are in.

Think of the wisdom of ”softening the Directory.” But he hints that ”the Directory might be made more friendly.” Gain time! Gain time! Give the bribe, and gain time! the wily agent advises the Americans. Otherwise, France may declare war against America.

That would be most unfortunate, answer the envoys, but a.s.sert that the present American ”situation was more ruinous than a declared war could be”; for now American ”commerce was floundering unprotected.” In case of war ”America would protect herself.”

”You do not speak to the point,” Hottenguer pa.s.sionately cries out; ”it is money; it is expected that you will offer money.”

”We have given an answer to that demand,” the envoys reply.

”No,” exclaims Hottenguer, ”you have not! What is your answer?”

”It is no,” shouts Pinckney; ”no; not a sixpence!”