Volume I Part 35 (2/2)

[890] Madison to Jefferson, Aug. 12, 1786; _Writings_: Hunt, ii, 261.

[891] Randolph in the Virginia Const.i.tutional Convention estimated that the colonies could have put four hundred thousand soldiers in the field.

(Elliott, iii, 76-77.)

[892] It is a curious fact, however, that in his journey through France Jefferson observed no bad conditions, but, on the whole, his careful diary states that he found the people ”well clothed and well fed,” as Professor Hazen expresses it. For impartial treatment of this subject see Hazen, 1-21.

CHAPTER VIII

POPULAR ANTAGONISM TO GOVERNMENT

Mankind, when left to themselves, are unfit for their own government. (George Was.h.i.+ngton, 1786.)

There are subjects to which the capacities of the bulk of mankind are unequal and on which they must and will be governed by those with whom they happen to have acquaintance and confidence. (James Madison, 1788.)

I fear, and there is no opinion more degrading to the dignity of man, that these have truth on their side who say that man is incapable of governing himself. (John Marshall, 1787.)

”Government, even in its best state,” said Mr. Thomas Paine during the Revolution, ”is but a necessary evil.”[893] Little as the people in general had read books of any kind, there was one work which most had absorbed either by perusal or by listening to the reading of it; and those who had not, nevertheless, had learned of its contents with applause.

Thomas Paine's ”Common Sense,” which Was.h.i.+ngton and Franklin truly said did so much for the patriot cause,[894] had sown dragon's teeth which the author possibly did not intend to conceal in his brilliant lines.

Scores of thousands interpreted the meaning and philosophy of this immortal paper by the light of a few flas.h.i.+ng sentences with which it began. Long after the British flag disappeared from American soil, this expatriated Englishman continued to be the voice of the people;[895] and it is far within the truth to affirm that Thomas Paine prepared the ground and sowed the seed for the harvest which Thomas Jefferson gathered.

”Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise.” And again, ”Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness.”[896] So ran the flaming maxims of the great iconoclast; and these found combustible material.

Indeed, there was, even while the patriots were fighting for our independence, a considerable part of the people who considered ”all government as dissolved, and themselves in a state of absolute liberty, where they wish always to remain”; and they were strong enough in many places ”to prevent any courts being opened, and to render every attempt to administer justice abortive.”[897] Zealous bearers, these, of the torches of anarchy which Paine's burning words had lighted. Was it not the favored of the earth that government protected? What did the poor and needy get from government except oppression and the privilege of dying for the boon? Was not government a fortress built around property?

What need, therefore, had the lowly for its embattled walls?

Here was excellent ammunition for the demagogue. A person of little ability and less character always could inflame a portion of the people when they could be a.s.sembled. It was not necessary for him to have property; indeed, that was a distinct disadvantage to the Jack Cades of the period.[898] A lie traveled like a snake under the leaves and could not be overtaken;[899] bad roads, scattered communities, long distances, and resultant isolation leadened and delayed the feet of truth. Nothing was too ridiculous for belief; nothing too absurd to be credited.

A Baptist preacher in North Carolina was a candidate for the State Convention to pa.s.s upon the new National Const.i.tution, which he bitterly opposed. At a meeting of backwoodsmen in a log house used for a church, he told them in a lurid speech that the proposed ”Federal City” (now the District of Columbia) would be the armed and fortified fortress of despotism. ”'This, my friends,' said the preacher, 'will be walled in or fortified. Here an army of 50,000, or, perhaps 100,000 men, will be finally embodied and will sally forth, and enslave the people who will be gradually disarmed.'” A spectator, who attempted to dispute this statement, narrowly escaped being mobbed by the crowd. Everything possible was done to defeat this ecclesiastical politician; but the people believed what he said and he was elected.[900]

So bizarre an invention as the following was widely circulated and generally believed as late as 1800: John Adams, it was said, had arranged, by intermarriage, to unite his family with the Royal House of Great Britain, the bridegroom to be King of America. Was.h.i.+ngton, attired in white clothing as a sign of conciliation, called on Adams and objected; Adams rebuffed him. Was.h.i.+ngton returned, this time dressed in black, to indicate the solemnity of his protest. Adams was obdurate.

Again the Father of his Country visited the stubborn seeker after monarchical relations.h.i.+p, this time arrayed in full regimentals to show his earnestness; Adams was deaf to his pleas. Thereupon the aged warrior drew his sword, avowing that he would never sheathe it until Adams gave up his treasonable purpose; Adams remained adamant and the two parted determined enemies.[901]

Such are examples of the strange tales fed to the voracious credulity of the mult.i.tude. The attacks on personal character, made by setting loose against public men slanders which flew and took root like thistle seed, were often too base and vile for repet.i.tion at the present day, even as a matter of history; and so monstrous and palpably untruthful that it is difficult to believe they ever could have been circulated much less credited by the most gossip-loving.

Things, praiseworthy in themselves, were magnified into stupendous and impending menaces. Revolutionary officers formed ”The Society of the Cincinnati” in order to keep in touch with one another, preserve the memories of their battles and their campfires, and to support the principles for which they had fought.[902] Yet this patriotic and fraternal order was, shouted the patriots of peace, a plain attempt to establish an hereditary n.o.bility on which a new tyranny was to be builded. Jefferson, in Paris, declared that ”the day ... will certainly come, when a single fibre of this inst.i.tution will produce an hereditary aristocracy which will change the form of our governments [Articles of Confederation] from the best to the worst in the world.”[903]

aeda.n.u.s Burke,[904] one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of South Carolina, wrote that the Society of the Cincinnati was ”deeply planned”; it was ”an hereditary peerage”; it was ”planted in a fiery hot ambition, and thirst for power”; ”its branches will end in Tyranny ... the country will be composed only of two ranks of men, the patricians, or n.o.bles, and the rabble.”[905] In France, Mirabeau was so aroused by Burke's pamphlet that the French orator wrote one of his own. Mirabeau called the Cincinnati ”that n.o.bility of barbarians, the price of blood, the off-spring of the sword, the fruit of conquest.” ”The distinction of Celts and Ostrogoths,” exclaimed the extravagant Frenchman, ”are what they claim for their inheritance.”[906]

The ”Independent Chronicle” of Boston was so excited that it called on ”legislators, Governors, and magistrates _and their_ ELECTORS” to suppress the Cincinnati because it ”is concerted to establish a complete and perpetual _personal_ discrimination between” its members ”and the whole remaining body of the people who will be styled Plebeians.”[907]

John Marshall was a member of this absurdly traduced patriotic fraternity. So were his father and fellow officers of our War for Independence. Was.h.i.+ngton was its commander. Were the grotesque charges against these men the laurels with which democracy crowned those who had drawn the sword for freedom? Was this the justice of liberty? Was this the intelligence of the ma.s.ses? Such must have been the queries that sprang up in the minds of men like Marshall. And, indeed, there was sound reason for doubt and misgiving. For the nightmares of men like Burke and Mirabeau were pleasant dreams compared with the horrid visions that the people conjured.

[Ill.u.s.tration]

Nor did this popular tendency to credit the most extraordinary tale, believe the most impossible and outrageous scandal, or accept the most impracticable and misshapen theory, end only in wholesome hatred of rank and distinction. Among large numbers there was the feeling that equality should be made real by a general division of property. Three years after peace had been established, Madison said he ”strongly suspected” that many of the people contemplated ”an abolition of debts public & private, and a new division of property.”[908] And Jay thought that ”a reluctance to taxes, an impatience of government, a rage for property, and little regard to the means of acquiring it, together with a desire for equality in all things, seem to actuate the ma.s.s of those who are uneasy in their circ.u.mstances.”[909] The greed and covetousness of the people is also noted by all travelers.[910]

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