Volume I Part 6 (2/2)
Our gunners fired with too accurate an aim; they so destroyed the vessels of the enemy, that they could not be secured as prizes.
The Const.i.tution was carried into St. Salvador, where her arrival did not improve the prospect before the Bonne Citoyenne, should she venture to break a lance with the Hornet. She was apparently preparing to go to sea that night, with the intention of avoiding her antagonist if convenient, and fighting her if necessary. The capture of the Java, however, produced a change in her plans, and she took eighteen days longer to reflect on the subject.
Commodore Bainbridge dismissed the private pa.s.sengers found on board the Java, without regarding them as prisoners of war, while all the others were released on their parol. Governor Hislop presented him with an elegant sword, as a token of his esteem and an acknowledgment of the kindness with which he had been treated. Captain Lambert, commander of the Java, was mortally wounded, and just before his removal to the sh.o.r.e, Bainbridge, leaning on the shoulders of two officers, hobbled into his room to restore to him his sword. It was a touching spectacle, the wounded victor presenting to his dying antagonist, the sword he never would wield again, accompanying it with expressions of esteem and kindly hopes. Captain Lambert received it with emotion, and returned his thanks. Two days after, it was laid across his breast. It was not dishonored in its owner's hand, for his s.h.i.+p had been gallantly fought to the last, and surrendered only when not a sail could be set.
Bainbridge, at this time, was not quite forty years of age. Six feet in height, of commanding person, and an eye that burned like fire in battle, he moved over his quarter deck the impersonation of a hero.
His n.o.ble conduct to the prisoners, won him the praise even of his enemies. An English Admiral, when told of it, shook his head, remarking, that it had an ominous look when a young commander, in a navy unaccustomed to victory, could treat his foes so like an old Spanish cavalier.[31]
[Footnote 31: There is a curious incident connected with this battle.
A few nights before it occurred, Bainbridge dreamed, that he had a long encounter with a British vessel, and finally captured her. On board were several officers, and among them a general. It made such an impression on him, that he entered the facts in his journal, and spoke of them to his officers. After the engagement, as he was standing on deck surrounded by his officers, waiting to receive the commander of the Java, he saw the boats carrying General Hislop approach. Turning to lieutenant Parker, he said, ”that is the man I saw in my dream.”]
The Const.i.tution, in this engagement, carried fifty-four guns, and the Java forty-nine. On this difference of five guns, the English attempted to erect a prop to support their naval pride. The effort to prove a superiority in weight of metal and number of men, in every victorious American vessel, and the changes rung on the difference of a single gun, exhibited a sensitiveness that enhanced instead of lessened the defeats. If a battle is never to be considered equal, until both s.h.i.+ps have the same tonnage to a pound, the same number of cannon, and the muster roll be equal to a man, it is to be feared there never will be one fought. Not only did the English allege that the Const.i.tution was greatly superior in weight of metal, but declared that her success was owing, in a large measure, to her musketry; and yet the Java had not a spar standing at the close of the battle. Muskets do not dismantle vessels, and leave them mere hulks at the mercy of their foe.[32] The English court of enquiry appointed to investigate the subject, asked the boatswain, ”if they had suffered much on the forecastle from musketry.” ”Yes,” he very frankly replied, ”_and, likewise, from round and grape_.” The latter was, no doubt, true, and very probably the former.
[Footnote 32: Some time after the peace of 1815, a distinguished officer of the English navy, visited the Const.i.tution, then just fitted anew at Boston, for a Mediterranean cruise. He went through the s.h.i.+p, accompanied by Captain ---- of our service. ”Well, what do you think of her?” asked the latter, after the two had gone through the vessel, and reached the quarter deck again. ”She is one of the finest frigates, if not the finest frigate I ever put my foot on board of,”
returned the Englishman; ”but, as I must find some fault, I'll just say, that your wheel is one of the clumsiest things I ever saw, and is unworthy of the vessel.” Captain ---- laughed, and then explained the appearance of the wheel, saying, ”When the Const.i.tution took the Java, the former's wheel was shot out of her. The Java's wheel was fitted on the Const.i.tution to steer with, and although we think it ugly, as you do, we keep it as a trophy.”]
Bainbridge returned to Boston, and resigned the command of the Const.i.tution, which stood greatly in need of repairs.
Lawrence continued, as before stated, to blockade the Bonne Citoyenne, until the latter part of January, when a British seventy-four heaving in sight, he was compelled to run in beside his adversary. The tables were now turned upon him, and he had the prospect of seeing the man-of-war playing the part of keeper at the mouth of the port, while his own prisoner making use of this protection could pa.s.s out, and continue his voyage. This was a predicament he did not relish, and taking advantage of the night, quietly slipped out to sea, and continued his cruise. He made a few prizes, and among them a brig of ten guns, with $12,500 in specie on board. Arriving, at length, at the mouth of the Demarara river, he discovered an English brig of war, and gave chase to her. The latter running in sh.o.r.e, led him into such shoal water, that he deemed it prudent to haul off. He, however, did not abandon the hope of forcing the s.h.i.+p into an engagement, and while beating down on a different tack to get within reach of her, he discovered another brig apparently seeking to close. He immediately put the head of his vessel toward that of the stranger. Both were close on the wind, and as they continued to approach, it was evident from their course they must pa.s.s each other with their yard-arms almost touching. It was now nearly half-past five, and the lurid rays of the sun, just sinking behind the hills of the main land, flooded the two vessels as they silently closed. The moment they began to draw abeam, so that the guns bore, the firing began. When fairly abreast, the vessels were not more than fifty feet apart. The words of command and the shrieks of the wounded could be distinctly heard in either vessel, as broadside crashed against broadside. It was a stern meeting and parting. As soon as the guns ceased to bear, the Englishman wore, in order to get a raking fire on the Hornet. The latter, however, was too quick for him; he was first about, and coming down on his quarter in ”a perfect blaze of fire,” poured in his broadsides with such close range and destructive effect, that in ten minutes more the enemy not only struck, but hoisted a signal of distress. Mr. Shubrick being sent on board to take possession, reported that the vessel was the sloop of war, Peac.o.c.k, and that she had six feet water in the hold. Every effort was made to save the prize, and to get out the wounded. Both vessels were anch.o.r.ed; the pumps were rigged on board the Peac.o.c.k, and bailing was resorted to. The vessel, however, continued to sink, and at last went down, carrying nine of her own crew and three of the Hornet with her. Two American officers, and many more seamen came near losing their lives, in their gallant effort to save the prisoners.
The foremast of the ill-fated vessel protruded from the sea, where she went down, remaining for some time to mark the place of the battle and the victory.
The superiority of American gunnery and American seamans.h.i.+p was again established beyond dispute. The Hornet was slightly superior in weight of metal,[33] but she not only out-maneuvered her antagonist, but surpa.s.sed her incomparably in the effective use of her guns. The former had but one man killed and two wounded, while of the latter there were thirty-eight killed and wounded, and among them the commander. The Hornet had but a single shot in her hull, while the Peac.o.c.k was so riddled that she sunk in a few minutes after the action.
[Footnote 33:
Peac.o.c.k. Hornet.
Broadside guns, 9 10 Crew, 130 135]
The thrill of exultation that pa.s.sed over the land at the announcement of the first naval victory, was alloyed by the reflection that it was but an isolated instance, and hence could hardly justify a belief in our naval superiority. But as frigate after frigate and s.h.i.+p after s.h.i.+p struck, all doubt vanished, and the nation was intoxicated with delight. The successive disasters that befel our land forces along the Canada line, could not check the outburst of enthusiasm on every side.
As the news of one victory succeeding another was borne along the great channels of communication, long shouts of triumph rolled after it, and the navy from being unknown and uncared for, rose at once to be the bulwark and pride of the nation. All faces were turned to the ocean to catch the first echo of those resistless broadsides, that proudly a.s.serted and made good the claim to ”free trade and sailor's rights.” Where we had been insulted and wronged the most, there we were chastising the offender with blows that astounded the world. If the American Government had been amazed at the failure of its deep laid schemes against Canada, it was no less so at the unexpected triumphs at sea. Saved from the deepest condemnation by the navy, which it had neglected--forced to fall back on its very blunders for encouragement, it could say with Hamlet--
”Let us know, Our indiscretion sometimes serves us well When our deep plots do pall.”
But our astonishment at these successive and brilliant victories could scarcely exceed that of the old world. The British navy had been so long accustomed to victory, that a single-handed contest of an English frigate with that of any other nation, had ceased to be a matter of solicitude to her. The maritime nations of Europe had, one after another, yielded to her sway, till her flag in every sea on the globe extorted the respect and fear which the declaration, ”I am a Roman citizen” did, in the proudest days of the Empire. Her invincibility on the ocean was a foregone conclusion. The victories of Napoleon stopped with the sh.o.r.e--even his ”star” paled on the deep. His extraordinary efforts and energies could not tear from the British navy the proud t.i.tle it had worn so long. His fleets, one after another, had gone down before the might of British broadsides, and the sublime sea fights of Aboukir and Trafalgar, were only corroborations of what had long been established. If this was the common feeling of the Continent it is no wonder that ”the English were stunned as by the shock of an earthquake.”[34] The first victory surprised them, but did not disturb their confidence. They began to discuss the causes of the unlooked for event with becoming dignity, but before the argument was concluded, another and another defeat came like successive thunder claps, till discussion gave way to alarm. The thoughtful men of England were too wise to pretend that disasters occurring in such numbers and wonderful regularity, could be the result of accident, and feared they beheld the little black cloud which the prophet saw rising over the sea, portending an approaching storm. If, in so short a time, a maritime force of only a few frigates and sloops of war could strike such deadly blows and destroy the prestige of English invincibility, what could not be done when that navy should approximate her own in strength. Some of the leading journals indulged in foolish boasting and detraction of American valor, and held up to derision those who saw portents of evil in the recent defeats. But the Times spoke the sentiments of those whose opinions were of any weight. Said the latter: ”We witnessed the gloom which the event (the capture of the Guerriere) cast over high and honorable minds. We partic.i.p.ated in the vexation and regret, and it is the first time we ever heard that the striking of the flag on the high seas to any thing like an equal force, should be regarded by Englishmen with complacency or satisfaction.” *** ”It is not merely that an English frigate has been taken, after what we are free to confess, may be called a brave resistance, but that it has been taken by a _new enemy_, an enemy unaccustomed to such triumphs, and likely to be rendered insolent and confident by them.” Another declared: ”Our maritime superiority is in fact a part of the nation's right. It has been the right of the conqueror, since men a.s.sociated together in civilization, to give laws to the conquered, and is Great Britain to be driven from the proud eminence which the blood and treasures of her sons have attained for her among nations, by a piece of striped bunting flying at the masthead of a few _fir-built frigates_, manned by a handful of b.a.s.t.a.r.ds and outlaws?”
[Footnote 34: Vide Alison.]
Such were the different sentiments entertained and expressed in England at the outset, but as the war progressed, anxiety and alarm took the place of boasting.
The war vessels at length grew timorous, and lost all their desire to meet an American s.h.i.+p of equal rank. It was declared that our frigates were built like seventy-fours, and therefore English frigates were justified in declining a battle when offered. The awful havoc made by our fire affected the seamen also, and whenever they saw the stars and stripes flaunting from the masthead of an approaching vessel, they felt that no ordinary battle was before them. English crews had never been so cut up since the existence of her navy. In the terrific battle of the Nile, Nelson lost less than three out of one hundred, and in his attack on Copenhagen, less than four out of every hundred. In Admiral Duncan's famous action off Camperdown, the proportion was about the same as that of the Nile. In 1793, the French navy was in its glory, and the victories obtained over its single s.h.i.+ps by English vessels were considered unparalleled. Yet in fourteen single engagements, considered the most remarkable, and in which the s.h.i.+ps, with one exception, ranged from thirty-six guns to fifty-two, the average of killed and wounded was only seventeen per s.h.i.+p, while in four encounters with American vessels, the Const.i.tution, United States and Wasp, the average was a hundred and eleven to each vessel.
[Sidenote: Jan. 2.]
This success of the navy at length roused Congress to do something in its aid, and an act was pa.s.sed on the 2d of January, authorizing the President to build four seventy-fours, and six s.h.i.+ps of forty-four guns, thus increasing the force of the navy tenfold. On the 3d of March, by another act, it authorized the building of such vessels on the lakes as was deemed necessary to their protection. Sums were also voted to the officers and crews as prize money.
CHAPTER VII.
Harrison plans a winter campaign -- Advance of the army -- Battle and ma.s.sacre at the River Raisin -- Baseness of Proctor -- Promoted by his Government -- Tec.u.mseh, his character and eloquence -- He stirs up the Creeks to war -- Ma.s.sacre at Fort Mimms -- Investment of Fort Meigs -- Advance of Clay's reinforcements and their destruction -- Successful sortie -- Flight of the besiegers -- Major Croghan's gallant defence of Fort Stephenson.
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