Part 25 (2/2)
_Lutherus, etsi non plane d.a.m.nat, tamen nondum voluit p.r.o.nuntiare_.” (_C.
R._ 2, 843; St. L. 17, 2062.) A letter of February 1, 1535, to Philip of Hesse and another of February 3, to Bucer, also both reveal, on the one hand, Melanchthon's desire for a union on Bucer's platform and, on the other, Luther's att.i.tude of aloofness and distrust. (_C. R._ 2, 836.
841.)
202. Secret Letters and the Variata of 1540.
In the letter to Camerarius of January 10, 1535, referred to in the preceding paragraph, Melanchthon plainly indicates that his views of the Holy Supper no longer agreed with Luther's. ”Do not ask for my opinion now,” says he, ”for I was the messenger of an opinion foreign to me, although, forsooth, I will not hide what I think when I shall have heard what our men answer. But concerning this entire matter either personally or when I shall have more reliable messengers. _Meam sententiam noli nunc requirere; fui enim nuntius alienae, etsi profecto non dissimulabo, quid sentiam, ubi audiero, quid respondeant nostri. Ac de hac re tota aut coram, aut c.u.m habebo certiores tabellarios_.” (2, 822.) Two days later, January 12, 1535, Melanchthon wrote a letter to Brenz (partly in Greek, which language he employed when he imparted thoughts which he regarded as dangerous, as, _e.g._, in his defamatory letter to Camerarius, July 24, 1525, on Luther's marriage; _C. R._ 1, 754), in which he lifted the veil still more and gave a clear glimpse of his own true inwardness. From this letter it plainly appears that Melanchthon was no longer sure of the correctness of the literal interpretation of the words of inst.i.tution, the very foundation of Luther's entire doctrine concerning the Holy Supper.
The letter reads, in part, as follows: ”You have written several times concerning the Sacramentarians, and you disadvise the Concord, even though they should incline towards Luther's opinion. My dear Brenz, if there are any who differ from us regarding the Trinity or other articles, I will have no alliance with them, but regard them as such who are to be execrated.... Concerning the Concord, however, no action whatever has as yet been taken. I have only brought Bucer's opinions here [to Wittenberg]. But I wish that I could talk to you personally concerning the controversy. I do not const.i.tute myself a judge, and readily yield to you, who govern the Church, and I affirm the real presence of Christ in the Supper. I do not desire to be the author or defender of a new dogma in the Church, but I see that there are many testimonies of the ancient writers who without any ambiguity explain the mystery typically and tropically [_peri tupou kai tropikos_], while the opposing testimonies are either more modern or spurious. You, too, will have to investigate whether you defend the ancient opinion. But I do wish earnestly that the pious Church would decide this case without sophistry and tyranny. In France and at other places many are killed on account of this opinion. And many applaud such judgments without any good reason, and strengthen the fury of the tyrants. To tell the truth, this matter pains me not a little. Therefore my only request is that you do not pa.s.s on this matter rashly, but consult also the ancient Church.
I most fervently desire that a concord be effected without any sophistry. But I desire also that good men may be able to confer on this great matter in a friendly manner. Thus a concord might be established without sophistry. For I do not doubt that the adversaries would gladly abandon the entire dogma if they believed that it was new. You know that among them are many very good men. Now they incline toward Luther, being moved by a few testimonies of ecclesiastical writers. What, then, do you think, ought to be done? Will you forbid also that we confer together?
As for me, I desire that we may be able frequently to confer together on this matter as well as on many others. You see that in other articles they as well as we now explain many things more skilfully (_dexterius_) since they have begun to be agitated among us more diligently. However, I conclude and ask you to put the best construction on this letter, and, after reading it, to tear it up immediately, and to show it to n.o.body.”
(_C. R._ 2, 823f.; Luther, St. L. 17, 2060.)
In a letter to Veit Dietrich, dated April 23, 1538, Melanchthon declares: ”In order not to deviate too far from the ancients, I have maintained a sacramental presence in the use, and said that, when these things are given, Christ is truly present and efficacious. That is certainly enough. I have not added an inclusion or a connection by which the body is affixed to, concatenated or mixed with, the bread.
Sacraments are covenants [a.s.suring us] that something else is present when the things are received. _Nec addidi inclusionem aut coniunctionem talem, qua affigeretur to arto, to soma, aut ferruminaretur, aut misceretur. Sacramenta pacta sunt, ut rebus sumptis adsit aliud_....
What more do you desire? And this will have to be resorted to lest you defend what some even now are saying, _viz._, that the body and blood are tendered separately--_separatim tradi corpus et sanguinem_. This too, is new and will not even please the Papists. Error is fruitful, as the saying goes. That physical connection (_illa physica coniunctio_) breeds many questions: Whether the parts are separate; whether included; when [in what moment] they are present; whether [they are present] apart from the use. Of this nothing is read among the ancients. Nor do I, my dear Veit, carry these disputations into the Church; and in the _Loci_ I have spoken so sparingly on this matter in order to lead the youth away from these questions. Such is in brief and categorically what I think.
But I wish that the two most cruel tyrants, animosity and sophistry, would be removed for a while, and a just deliberation held concerning the entire matter. If I have not satisfied you by this simple answer, I shall expect of you a longer discussion. I judge that in this manner I am speaking piously, carefully, and modestly concerning the symbols, and approach as closely as possible to the opinion of the ancients.” (_C.
R._ 3, 514f.) A month later, May 24, Melanchthon again added: ”I have simply written you what I think, nor do I detract anything from the words. For I know that Christ is truly and substantially present and efficacious when we use the symbols. You also admit a synecdoche. But to add a division and separation of the body and blood, that is something altogether new and unheard of in the universal ancient Church.” (3, 536; 7, 882.)
Evidently, then, Melanchchton's att.i.tude toward the Reformed and his views concerning the Lord's Supper had undergone remarkable changes since 1530. And in order to clear the track for his own changed sentiments and to enable the Reformed, in the interest of an ultimate union, to subscribe the _Augsburg Confession_, Melanchthon, in 1540, altered its Tenth Article in the manner set forth in a previous chapter.
Schaff remarks: Calvin's view of the Lord's Supper ”was in various ways officially recognized in the _Augsburg Confession_ of 1540.” (1, 280.) Such at any rate was the construction the Reformed everywhere put on the alteration. It was generally regarded by them to be an essential concession to Calvinism. Melanchthon, too, was well aware of this; but he did absolutely nothing to obviate this interpretation--no doubt, because it certainly was not very far from the truth.
203. Not in Sympathy with Lutheran Champions.
When Westphal, in 1552, pointed out the Calvinistic menace and sounded the tocsin, loyal Lutherans everywhere enlisted in the controversy to defend Luther's doctrine concerning the real presence and the divine majesty of Christ's human nature. But Melanchthon again utterly failed the Lutheran Church both as a leader and a private. For although Lutheranism in this controversy was fighting for its very existence, Master Philip remained silent, non-committal, neutral. Viewed in the light of the conditions then prevailing, it was impossible to construe this att.i.tude as pro-Lutheran. Moreover, whenever and wherever Melanchthon, in his letters and opinions written during this controversy, did show his colors to some extent, it was but too apparent that his mind and heart was with the enemies rather than with the champions of Lutheranism. For while his letters abound with flings and thrusts against the men who defended the doctrines of the sacramental union and the omnipresence of the human nature of Christ, he led Calvin and his adherents to believe that he was in sympathy with them and their cause.
Melanchthon's animosity ran high not only against such extremists as Saliger (Beatus) and Fredeland (both were deposed in Luebeck 1568 and Saliger again in Rostock 1569) who taught that in virtue of the consecration before the use (_ante usum_) bread and wine are the body and blood of Christ, denouncing all who denied this as Sacramentarians (Gieseler 3, 2, 257), but also against all those who faithfully adhered to, and defended, Luther's phraseology concerning the Lord's Supper. He rejected the teaching of Westphal and the Hamburg ministers, according to which in the Lord's Supper, the bread is properly called the body of Christ and the wine the blood of Christ, and stigmatized their doctrine as ”bread-wors.h.i.+p, _artolatreia_.” (_C. R._ 8, 362. 660. 791; 9, 470.
962.)
In a similar manner Melanchthon ridiculed the old Lutheran teaching of the omnipresence of Christ according to His human nature as a new and foolish doctrine. Concerning the _Confession and Report of the Wuerttemberg Theologians_, framed by Brenz and adopted 1559, which emphatically a.s.serted the real presence, as well as the omnipresence of Christ also according to His human nature, Melanchthon remarked contemptuously in a letter to Jacob Runge, dated February 1, 1560 and in a letter to G. Cracow, dated February 3, 1560, that he could not characterize ”the decree of the Wuerttemberg Fathers (_Abbates Wirtebergenses_) more aptly than as Hechinger Latin (_Hechingense Latinum, Hechinger Latein_),” _i.e._, as absurd and insipid teaching.
(9, 1035f.; 7, 780. 884.)
204. Melanchthon Claimed by Calvin.
In 1554 Nicholas Gallus of Regensburg republished, with a preface of his own, _Philip Melanchthon's Opinions of Some Ancient Writers Concerning the Lord's Supper_. The timely reappearance of this book, which Melanchthon, in 1530, had directed against the Zwinglians, was most embarra.s.sing to him as well as to his friend Calvin. The latter, therefore, now urged him to break his silence and come out openly against his public a.s.sailants. But Melanchthon did not consider it expedient to comply with this request. Privately, however, he answered, October 14, 1554: ”As regards your admonition in your last letter that I repress the ignorant clamors of those who renew the strife concerning the bread-wors.h.i.+p, know that some of them carry on this disputation out of hatred toward me in order to have a plausible reason for oppressing me. _Quod me hortaris, ut reprimam ineruditos clamores illorum, qui renovant certamen peri artolatreias, scito, quosdam praecipue odio mei eam disputationem movere, ut habeant plausibilem causam ad me opprimendum_.” (8, 362.)
Fully persuaded that he was in complete doctrinal agreement with his Wittenberg friend on the controverted questions, Calvin finally, in his _Last Admonition_ (_Ultima Admonitio_) _to Westphal_, 1557, publicly claimed Melanchthon as his ally, and implored him to give public testimony ”that they [the Calvinists and Zwinglians] teach nothing foreign to the _Augsburg Confession, nihil alienum nos tradere a Confessione Augustana_.” ”I confirm,” Calvin here declared, ”that in this cause [concerning the Lord's Supper] Philip can no more be torn from me than from his own bowels. _Confirmo, non magis a me Philippum quam a propriis visceribus in hoc causa posse divelli_.” (_C. R._ 37 [_Calvini Opp_. 9], 148. 149. 193. 466; Gieseler 3, 2, 219, Tschackert, 536.) Melanchthon, however, continued to preserve his sphinxlike silence, which indeed declared as loud as words could have done that he favored the Calvinists, and was opposed to those who defended Luther's doctrine. To Mordeisen he wrote, November 15, 1557: ”If you will permit me to live at a different place, I shall reply, both truthfully and earnestly to these unlearned sycophants, and say things that are useful to the Church.” (_C. R._ 9, 374.)
After the death of Melanchthon, Calvin wrote in his _Dilucida Explicatio_ against Hesshusius, 1561: ”O Philip Melanchthon! For it is to you that I appeal, who art living with Christ in the presence of G.o.d and there waiting for us until we shall be a.s.sembled with you into blessed rest. A hundred times you have said, when, fatigued with labor and overwhelmed with cares, you, as an intimate friend, familiarly laid your head upon my breast: Would to G.o.d I might die on this bosom! But afterwards I have wished a thousand times that we might be granted to be together. You would certainly have been more courageous to engage in battle and stronger to despise envy, and disregard false accusations. In this way, too, the wickedness of many would have been restrained whose audacity to revile grew from your pliability, as they called it. _O Philippe Melanchthon! Te enim appello, qui apud Deum c.u.m Christo vivis, nosque illic exspectas, donec tec.u.m in beatam quietem colligamur.
Dixisti centies, quum fessus laboribus et molestiis oppressus caput familiariter in sinum meum deponeres: Utinam, utinam moriar in hoc sinu!
Ego vero millies postea optavi n.o.bis contingere, ut simul essemus. Certe animosior fuisses ad obeunda certamina et ad spernendam invidiam falsasque criminationes pro nihilo ducendas fortior. Hoc quoque modo cohibita fuisset multorum improbitos, quibus ex tua mollitie, quam vocabant, crevit insultandi audacia_.” (_C. R._ 37 [_Calvini Opp_. 9], 461f.) It was not Melanchthon, but Westphal, who disputed Calvin's claim by publis.h.i.+ng (1557) extracts from Melanchthon's former writings under the t.i.tle: _Clarissimi Viri Ph. Melanchthonis Sententia de Coena Domini, ex scriptis eius collecta_. But, alas, the voice of the later Melanchthon was not that of the former!
205. Advising the Crypto-Calvinists.
In various other ways Melanchthon showed his impatience with the defenders of Luther's doctrine and his sympathy with their Calvinistic opponents. When Timann of Bremen, who sided with Westphal, opposed Hardenberg, a secret, but decided Calvinist, Melanchthon admonished the latter not to rush into a conflict with his colleagues, but to dissimulate. He says in a letter of April 23, 1556: ”_Te autem oro, ne properes ad certamen c.u.m collegis. Oro etiam, ut multa dissimules_.”
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