Part 33 (2/2)

A sih perhaps not entirely so urgent, led to the acquisition of Florida

Now, no such necessity, no such policy, requires the annexation of Texas The accession of Texas to our territory is not necessary to the full and complete enjoyment of all which we already possess Her case, therefore, stands upon a footing entirely different fro no necessity for extending the liht, I think, for numerous and powerful reasons, to be content with our present boundaries

Gentlemen, we all see that, by who country; and I frankly avowthat shall extend the slavery of the African race on this continent, or add other slave-holding States to the Union When I say that I regard slavery in itself as a great e which has been adopted by distinguishedStates I shall do nothing, therefore, to favor or encourage its further extension We have slavery already anized it, and gave it soleuaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the Constitution All the stipulations contained in the Constitution in favor of the slave-holding States which are already in the Union ought to be fulfilled, and, so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fullness of their spirit and to the exactness of their letter

Slavery, as it exists in the States, is beyond the reach of Congress It is a concern of the States theress has no rightful power over it I shall concur, therefore, in no act, no measure, no menace, no indication of purpose, which shall interfere or threaten to interfere with the exclusive authority of the several States over the subject of slavery as it exists within their respective limits All this appears to me to be matter of plain and i new States, the subject assuhts and our duties are then both different

The free States, and all the States, are then at liberty to accept or to reject When it is proposed to bring new members into this political partnershi+p, the old ht to say on what terms such new partners are to co with them In my opinion, the people of the United States will not consent to bring into the Union a new, vastly extensive, and slave-holding country, large enough for half a dozen or a dozen States In ht not to consent to it Indeed, I aether at a loss to conceive what possible benefit any part of this country can expect to derive from such annexation Any benefit to any part is at least doubtful and uncertain; the objections are obvious, plain, and strong On the general question of slavery, a great portion of the coly excited The subject has not only attracted attention as a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper-toned chord It has arrested the religious feeling of the country; it has taken strong hold on the consciences of men He is a rash man, indeed, and little conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with or despised It will assuredly cause itself to be respected It , I believe it is entirely willing, to fulfil all existing engage duties, to uphold and defend the Constitution as it is established, hatever regrets about some provisions which it does actually contain But to coerce it into silence, to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to compress and confine it, warm as it is, and more heated as such endeavors would inevitably render it,--should this be atte, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself, which would not be endangered by the explosion which ht follow

I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation of Texas to the Union; no advantages to be derived froment, decisive character

I believe it to be for the interest and happiness of the whole Union to remain as it is, without diminution and without addition

Gentleman, I pass to other subjects The rapid advancement of the executive authority is a topic which has already been alluded to

I believe there is serious cause of alarm from this source I believe the power of the executive has increased, is increasing, and ought now to be brought back within its ancient constitutional li to do with the motives which have led to those acts, which I believe to have transcended the boundaries of the Constitution

Good motives may always be assumed, as bad motives may always be imputed Good intentions will always be pleaded for every assumption of power; but they cannot justify it, even if ere sure that they existed It is hardly too strong to say, that the Constitution was ood intention, real or pretended When bad intentions are boldly avowed, the people will promptly take care of themselves On the other hand, they will always be asked why they should resist or question that exercise of pohich is so fair in its object, so plausible and patriotic in appearance, and which has the public good alone confessedly in view?

Huenerally exercise pohen they can get it; and they will exercise it overnh public interest It ood intentions do really soarded There are es, who mean to exercise power usefully; but who overn well; but they overn They promise to be kind masters; but they mean to be masters

They think there need be but little restraint upon themselves Their notion of the public interest is apt to be quite closely connected with their own exercise of authority They may not, indeed, always understand their own motives The love of power may sink too deep in their own hearts even for their own scrutiny, and may pass with themselves for mere patriotism and benevolence

A character has been drawn of a very ee, which, though I think it does not entirely belong to him, yet very well describes a certain class of public uished son of Massachusetts, that in overns towards the whole earth He earnestly desired to see all nations well governed; and to bring about this happy result, he wished that the United States ht govern the United States; that Boston overn Massachusetts; and as for hi the little town of Boston

I do not intend, Gentlemen, to commit so unreasonable a trespass on your patience as to discuss all those cases in which I think executive power has been unreasonably extended I shall only allude to so earliest in the order of time, and hardly second to any other in importance, I h and low, for opinion's sake, and on the avowed ground of giving patronage to the President; that is to say, of giving hi men's political opinions and political conduct, by hopes and by fears addressed directly to their pecuniary interests The great battle on this point was fought, and was lost, in the Senate of the United States, in the last session of Congress under Mr Adams's administration After General Jackson was known to be elected, and before his teran, many important offices becanation Mr Adams, of course, nominated persons to fill these vacant offices But a majority of the Senate was composed of the friends of General Jackson; and, instead of acting on these no the vacant offices with ordinary promptitude, the nominations were postponed to a day beyond the 4th of March, for the purpose, openly avowed, of giving the patronage of the appoint into office When the new President entered on his office, he withdrew these nominations, and sent in nominations of his own friends in their places I was of opinion then, and am of opinion now, that that decision of the Senate went far to unfix the proper balance of the government It conferred on the President the power of rewards for party purposes, or personal purposes, without limit or control It sanctioned, manifestly and plainly, that exercise of pohich Mr Madison had said would deserve ireat object, which we are told the framers of the Constitution conte the Senate; that is, that the Senatewith the election of a President, and therefore likely to be able to hold over hi his own friends and partisans into poith hi their services to him at the public expense

The debates in the Senate, on these questions, were long continued and earnest They were of course in secret session, but the opinions of those members who opposed this course have all been proved true by the result The contest was severe and ardent, as much so as any that I have ever partaken in; and I have seen some service in that sort of warfare

Gentlemen, when I look back to that eventful moment, when I remember who those ho upheld this claim for executive poith so reat and splendid abilities, and when I look round now, and inquire what has becoentlemen, where they have found themselves at last, under the pohich they thus helped to establish, what has become now of all their respect, trust, confidence, and attach broken and crushed under the weight of the wheels of that engine which they the lesson may be read by those who, in the freshness and fullness of party zeal, are ready to confer the erous power, in the hope that they and their friends may bask in its sunshi+ne, while eneo into the ive no enumeration of persons; but I ask you to turn your uished men ho supported, in the Senate, General Jackson's administration for the first two years; and I will ask you what you suppose they think now of that power and that discretion which they so freely confided to executive hands What do they think of the whole career of that administration, the commencement of which, and indeed the existence of which, owed so reat exertions?

In addition to the establishment of this power of unlimited and causeless reue, it is true, but altogether unconstitutional, and tending to like dangerous results In some loose, indefinite, and unknown sense, the President has been called the _representative of the whole American people_ He has called himself so repeatedly, and been so denominated by his friends a thousand times Acts, for which no specific authority has been found either in the Constitution or the laws, have been justified on the ground that the President is the representative of the whole Auage Certainly, the Constitution nowhere calls the President the universal representative of the people The constitutional representatives of the people are in the House of Representatives, exercising powers of legislation The President is an executive officer, appointed in a particular manner, and clothed with prescribed and lireat consequence, that the President should call himself, or that others should call hih he has no such appellation or character in the Constitution

But, in these s If he is the people's representative, and as such rant, what is the limit to that power? And what may not an unlimited representative of the people do? When the Constitution expressly creates representatives, as ulates, defines, and liistrate, istrate, may assume to himself another character, and call himself the representative of the whole people, what is to limit or restrain this representative power in his hands?

I fear, Gentlemen, that if these pretensions should be continued and justified, we ic, such as I once heard in the House of Representatives A gentle, wished very much to vote for the establishment of a Bank of the United States, but he had always stoutly denied the constitutional power of Congress to create such a bank The country, however, was in a state of great financial distress, froht help to extricate it; and this consideration led the worthy member to review his opinions with care and deliberation Happily, on such careful and deliberate review, he altered his forress ht his mind to this result was short, and so plain and obvious, that he wondered how he should so long have overlooked it The power, he said, to create a bank, was either given to Congress, or it was not given Very well If it was given, Congress of course could exercise it; if it was not given, the people still retained it, and in that case, Congress, as the representatives of the people, uments and conclusions in substance like these, Gentlereat popularity, co characters, sustained by powerful parties, _and full of good intentions towards the public_, may be permitted to call themselves the universal representatives of the people

But, Gentlemen, it is the _currency_, the currency of the country,--it is this great subject, so interesting, so vital, to all classes of the community, which has been destined to feel the most violent assaults of executive power The consequences are around us and upon us Not unforeseen, not unforetold, here they co distress for the present, and fear and alarm for the future If it be denied that the present condition of things has arisen from the President's interference with the revenue, the first answer is, that, when he did interfere, just such consequences were predicted It was then said, and repeated, and pressed upon the public attention, that that interference ement, embarrassment, loss of confidence, and commercial distress I pray you, Gentlemen, to recur to the debates of 1832, 1833, and 1834, and then to decide whose opinions have proved to be correct When the treasury experiment was first announced, who supported, and who opposed it? Who warned the country against it? Who were they who endeavored to stay the violence of party, to arrest the hand of executive authority, and to convince the people that this experiment was delusive; that its object was merely to increase executive power, and that its effect, sooner or later,the opinions of political e of them by their measures, and their opposition to measures; and for myself, and those political friends hom I have acted, on this subject of the currency, I am ready to abide the test

But before the subject of the currency, and its presentstate, is discussed, I invite your attention, Gentles connected with it I propose to state to you a series of facts; not to argue upon them, not to _mystify_ them, nor to draw any unjust inference from them; but merely to state the case, in the plainest manner, as I understand it And I wish, Gentlemen, that, in order to be able to do this in the best andden,) whom you have all so often heard, and who usually states his case in such a ued

Let us see, Gentleard to our revenue and finances; and when these occurrences are stated, I leave to every ht to decide for himself whether our present difficulties have or have not arisen fro this detail, I shall be compelled to speak of the late Bank of the United States; but I shall speak of it historically only My opinion of its utility, and of the extraordinary ability and success hich its affairs were conducted for many years before the termination of its charter, is well known I have often expressed it, and I have not altered it But at present I speak of the bank only as it makes a necessary part in the history of events which I wish now to recapitulate