Part 19 (1/2)

We shall no longer be defending e possess, but struggling for so which we never did possess, and which we have sole, froround, of resistance only to arbitrary acts of oppression, the nations will believe the whole to have been mere pretence, and they will look on us, not as injured, but as ambitious subjects I shudder before this responsibility It will be on us, if, relinquishi+ng the ground on which we have stood so long, and stood so safely,proclaim independence, and carry on the war for that object, while these cities burn, these pleasant fields whiten and bleach with the bones of their owners, and these streams run blood It will be upon us, it will be upon us, if, failing to ed declaration, a sterner despotism, maintained by military power, shall be established over our posterity, e ourselves, given up by an exhausted, a harassed, a misled people, shall have expiated our rashness and atoned for our presumption on the scaffold”

It was for Mr Adauments like these We know his opinions, and we know his character He would commence with his accustomed directness and earnestness

”Sink or swiive my hand and inning we aimed not at independence But there's a Divinity which shapes our ends The injustice of England has driven us to arood, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is noithin our grasp We have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours Why, then, should we defer the Declaration? Is any land, which shall leave either safety to the country and its liberties, or safety to his own life and his own honor? Are not you, Sir, who sit in that chair, is not he, our venerable colleague near you, are you not both already the proscribed and predestined objects of punisheance? Cut off from all hope of royal cleland remains, but outlaws? If we postpone independence, do we ive up, the war? Do we mean to submit to the measures of Parliament, Boston Port Bill and all? Do we round to powder, and our country and its rights trodden down in the dust? I knoe do not mean to submit We never shall subation ever entered into by , before God, of our sacred honor to Washi+ngton, when, putting hiers of war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes and our lives? I know there is not a ration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the ground For o, in this place, ton be appointed commander of the forces raised, or to be raised, for defence of A, and ue cleave to the roof of ive hih And if the war er the Declaration of Independence? That ive us character abroad The nations will then treat with us, which they never can do while we acknowledge ourselves subjects, in arland herself will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct towards us has been a course of injustice and oppression Her pride will be less wounded by subs which now predestinates our independence, than by yielding the points in controversy to her rebellious subjects The forard as the result of fortune; the latter she would feel as her own deep disgrace Why, then, why then, Sir, do we not as soon as possible change this froh, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory?

”If we fail, it can be no worse for us But we shall not fail The cause will raise up armies; the cause will create navies The people, the people, if we are true to theloriously, through this struggle I care not how fickle other people have been found I know the people of these Colonies, and I know that resistance to British aggression is deep and settled in their hearts and cannot be eradicated Every Colony, indeed, has expressed its willingness to follow, if we but take the lead Sir, the Declaration will inspire the people with increased courage Instead of a long and bloody war for the restoration of privileges, for redress of grievances, for chartered ilorious object of entire independence, and it will breathe into them anew the breath of life Read this Declaration at the head of the army; every sill be drawn from its scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered, to maintain it, or to perish on the bed of honor Publish it froious liberty will cling round it, resolved to stand with it, or fall with it Send it to the public halls; proclaim it there; let them hear it who heard the first roar of the enemy's cannon; let them see it who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker Hill, and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support

”Sir, I know the uncertainty of huh this day's business You and I, indeed, may rue it We ood We nominiously and on the scaffold Be it so Be it so If it be the pleasure of Heaven thatof my life, the victim shall be ready at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may But while I do live, let me have a country, or at least the hope of a country, and that a free country

”But whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured that this Declaration will stand It may cost treasure, and it may cost blood; but it will stand, and it will richly coloohtness of the future, as the sun in heaven We shall raves, our children will honor it They will celebrate it with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires, and illuminations On its annual return they will shed tears, copious, gushi+ng tears, not of subjection and slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy Sir, before God, I believe the hour is coment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it All that I have, and all that I am, and all that I hope, in this life, I aun, that live or die, survive or perish, I a senti sentiment, Independence, _now_, and INDEPENDENCE FOR EVER”[77]

And so that day shall be honored, illustrious prophet and patriot! so that day shall be honored, and as often as it returns, thy renown shall colory of thy life, like the day of thy death, shall not fail from the remembrance of men

It would be unjust, fellow-citizens, on this occasion, while we express our veneration for him who is the immediate subject of these rerateful ues, who stood with him, and with the sa transaction HANcock, the proscribed HANcock, exiled froovernor, cut off by proclamation frouished honor of putting this great question to the vote, and of writing his own name first, and most conspicuously, on that parchland There, too, is the name of that other proscribed patriot, SAMUEL ADAMS, a ered and thirsted for the independence of his country; who thought the Declaration halted and lingered, being hi before it was proposed; a ht, and the profoundest judg the earliest and the foreton summoned them to common counsels, by the side of WARREN; a man who lived to serve his country at hoovernht, the Spartan character, ROBERT TREAT PAINE He also lived to serve his country through the struggle, and then withdrew froive his labors and his life to his native State, in another relation These names, fellow-citizens, are the treasures of the Cohter by time

It is now necessary to resureat brevity the notice of the lives of those whose virtues and services we have ress fro till November, 1777, when he was appointed Minister to France He proceeded on that service in the February following, eate Boston, from the shore of his native town, at the foot of Mount Wollaston The year following, he was appointed co to the United States, he was a delegate fro the Constitution of this Commonwealth, in 1780[78] At the latter end of the saain went abroad in the diplomatic service of the country, and was eotiations, until 1788 The particulars of these interesting and important services this occasion does not allow time to relate In 1782 he concluded our first treaty with Holland His negotiations with that republic, his efforts to persuade the States-General to recognize our independence, his incessant and indefatigable exertions to represent the American cause favorably on the Continent, and to counteract the designs of its ene to obtain loans, on the credit of a nation yet new and unknown, are a his most arduous, most useful, most honorable services It was his fortune to bear a part in the negotiation for peace with England, and in so more than six years from the Declaration which he had so strenuously supported, he had the satisfaction of seeing the minister plenipotentiary of the crown subscribe his name to the instrued the United States to be free, sovereign, and independent” In these important transactions, Mr Adaress and of the country

While abroad, in 1787, he published his Defence of the Ah composed with haste, on the spur of a particular occasion, in the midst of other occupations, and under circu of careful revision The iht of opinions advanced by several popular European writers of that day, M Turgot, the Abbe de Mably, and Dr Price, at a time when the people of the United States were eovern to the United States in 1788, he found the new govern into operation, and was himself elected the first Vice-President, a situation which he filled with reputation for eight years, at the expiration of which he was raised to the Presidential chair, as ih station he was succeeded by Mr Jefferson, after a memorable controversy between their respective friends, in 1801; and from that period his manner of life has been known to all who hear me He has lived, for five-and-twenty years, with every enjoye happy Not inattentive to the occurrences of the ti time, disturbed his repose In 1820 he acted as elector of President and Vice-President, and in the sahty-five, a member of the Convention of this Commonwealth called to revise the Constitution Forty years before, he had been one of those who formed that Constitution; and he had now the pleasure of witnessing that there was little which the people desired to change[79] Possessing all his faculties to the end of his long life, with an unabated love of reading and conte circles of friendshi+p and affection, he was blessed in his retirement hatever of repose and felicity the condition of man allows He had, also, other enjoyeneral happiness which had been the object of his public cares and labors No reat and beneficial effects of the services rendered by himself to his country That liberty which he so early defended, that independence of which he was so able an advocate and supporter, he sae trust, firmly and securely established The population of the country thickened around hiuine predictions had anticipated; and the wealth, respectability, and power of the nation sprang up to a nitude which it is quite impossible he could have expected to witness in his day He lived also to behold those principles of civil freedom which had been developed, established, and practically applied in America, attract attention, colobe; and well ht, and well did, he exclaim, ”Where will the consequences of the A yet remain to fill this cup of happiness, let it be added, that he lived to see a great and intelligent people bestow the highest honor in their gift where he had bestowed his own kindest parental affections and lodged his fondest hopes Thus honored in life, thus happy at death, he saw the JUBILEE, and he died; and with the last prayers which trembled on his lips was the fervent supplication for his country, ”Independence for ever!”[80]

Mr Jefferson, having been occupied in the years 1778 and 1779 in the iinia, was elected Governor of that State, as successor to Patrick Henry, and held the situation when the State was invaded by the British arinia, a hich attracted attention in Europe as well as A this continent, and gave its author a place aain took his seat in the Continental Congress, but in the May folloas appointed Minister Plenipotentiary, to act abroad, in the negotiation of commercial treaties, with Dr Franklin and Mr Adams He proceeded to France in execution of thisat Boston; and that was the only occasion on which he ever visited this place In 1785 he was appointed Minister to France, the duties of which situation he continued to perform until October, 1789, when he obtained leave to retire, just on the eve of that treitated the world in our tie of his diploence, and patriotism; and while he resided at Paris, in one of the ence, his love of knowledge and of the society of learned hest circles of the French capital No court in Europe had at that tiard, for political knowledge or for general attainments, than the minister of this then infant republic Ianization of the government under the present Constitution, his talents and experience recoton for the first office in his gift He was placed at the head of the Department of State In this situation, also, he manifested conspicuous ability His correspondence with thehere, and his instructions to our own diplo our ablest state papers A thorough knowledge of the laws and usages of nations, perfect acquaintance with the ireater facility, in writing, show themselves in whatever effort his official situation called on hies, that the diploovern of the Continental Congress in 1774 to the present tiether, would not suffer, in respect to the talent hich it has been conducted, by coovernments can produce; and to the attainment of this respectability and distinction Mr Jefferson has contributed his full part

On the retireton from the Presidency, and the election of Mr Adams to that office in 1797, he was chosen Vice-President While presiding in this capacity over the deliberations of the Senate, he compiled and published a Manual of Parliamentary Practice, a work of more labor and more merit than is indicated by its size It is now received as the general standard by which proceedings are regulated, not only in both Houses of Congress, but in islative bodies in the country In 1801 he was elected President, in opposition to Mr Ada towards unanimity

From the time of his final retirement from public life, in 1808, Mr

Jefferson lived as became a wise man Surrounded by affectionate friends, his ardor in the pursuit of knowledge undiminished, with uncoely the rational pleasures of life, and to partake in that public prosperity which he had so much contributed to produce His kindness and hospitality, the charm of his conversation, the ease of his manners, the extent of his acquirements, and, especially, the full store of Revolutionary incidents which he had treasured in his memory, and which he knehen and how to dispense, rendered his abode in a high degree attractive to his adh public and scientific character dreards hient and educated traveller from abroad Both Mr Ada that the respect which they so largely received was not paid to their official stations They were not reat men, on whom the country for its own benefit had conferred office

There was that in theive, and which the relinquishment of office did not, and could not, take away In their retirement, in the midst of their fellow-citizens, theard and estee the most important places of public trust

There remained to Mr Jefferson yet one other work of patriotism and beneficence, the establishment of a university in his native State To this object he devoted years of incessant and anxious attention, and by the enlightened liberality of the Legislature of Virginia, and the cooperation of other able and zealous friends, he lived to see it accomplished May all success attend this infant sees, as often as their eyes shall rest on the neighboring height, recollect what they owe to their disinterested and indefatigable benefactor; and may letters honor him who thus labored in the cause of letters![81]

Thus useful, and thus respected, passed the old age of Tho, and was now bringing the last hour of this illustrious man He saw its approach with undisturbed serenity He counted the moments as they passed, and beheld that his last sands were falling That day, too, was at hand which he had helped to make immortal One wish, one hope, if it were not presuht it please God, he would desire once more to see the sun, once reat day of liberty Heaven, in its mercy, fulfilled that prayer He saw that sun, he enjoyed its sacred light, he thanked God for this rave ”Felix, non vitae tantum claritate, sed etiam opportunitate mortis”

The last public labor of Mr Jefferson naturally suggests the expression of the high praise which is due, both to him and to Mr Ada, and to the cause of general knowledge Of the advantages of learning, indeed, and of literary acco recommendations and illustrations They were scholars, ripe and good scholars; widely acquainted with ancient, as well as ether uninstructed in the deeper sciences Their acquirements, doubtless, were different, and so were the particular objects of their literary pursuits; as their tastes and characters, in these respects, differed like those of other reat objects requiring action constantly before them, their attainments in letters did not become showy or obtrusive Yet I would hazard the opinion, that, if we could now ascertain all the causes which gave thereatthe least their early acquisitions in literature, the resources which it furnished, the promptitude and facility which it coy and illustration; giving thee, as well for discussion as for the governusts, and pretension to itloosely on the character, like son or extraneous, not a part, but an ill-adjusted appendage; or by seehtly bulk, like the productions of bad taste in architecture, where there is th or solidity of colu, and especially classical learning, to reproach Men have seen that it or, without good taste, and without utility But in such cases classical learning has only not inspired natural talent; or, at inal feebleness of intellect, and natural bluntness of perception, so more conspicuous The question, after all, if it be a question, is, whether literature, ancient as well as , ith, and render its possessor, not onlyprivate happiness from contemplation and reflection, but more accomplished also for action in the affairs of life, and especially for public action Those whosewas kept in its proper place, and made subservient to the uses and objects of life They were scholars, not common nor superficial; but their scholarshi+p was so in keeping with their character, so blended and inwrought, that careless observers, or bad judges, not seeing an ostentatious display of it, , that classical learning in men who act in conspicuous public stations, perfor, or address popular, deliberative, or judicial bodies, is often felt where it is little seen, and sometimes felt more effectually because it is not seen at all

But the cause of knowledge, in a e and of popular education, had no warmer friends, nor more powerful advocates, than Mr Adams and Mr Jefferson On this foundation they knew the whole republican systereat and all-important truth they strove to impress, by all the means in their power In the early publication already referred to, Mr Ada and just sentiment, that the education of the poor is more important, even to the rich thereat truth, indeed, is founded that unrivalled, that invaluable political and lory of our fathers, the New England systee had been the object of their regard through life, so these great men made it the subject of their testamentary bounty Mr Jefferson is understood to have bequeathed his library to the University of Virginia, and that of Mr Adams is bestowed on the inhabitants of Quincy

Mr Adams and Mr Jefferson, fellow-citizens, were successively Presidents of the United States The comparative itated and divided public opinion They were rivals, each supported by nuhest office This contest, partly the cause and partly the consequence of the long existence of two great political parties in the country, is now part of the history of our govern should have occurred to create difference and discord between those who had acted harreat concerns of the Revolution But this is not the tirounds of that difference, or for atte to discuss the merits of the questions which it involves As practical questions, they were canvassed when the arded were acted on and adopted; and as belonging to history, the time has not come for their consideration

It is, perhaps, not wonderful, that, when the Constitution of the United States first went into operation, different opinions should be entertained as to the extent of the powers conferred by it Here was a natural source of diversity of sentiment It is still less wonderful, that that event, nearly conteovernment under the present Constitution, which so entirely shocked all Europe, and disturbed our relations with her leading powers, should be thought, by different s on our own prosperity; and that the early overnment of the United States, in consequence of this new state of things, should be seen in opposite lights It is for the future historian, hat now remains of prejudice and misconception shall have passed away, to state these different opinions, and pronounce iood men rejoice, and wellout of , have ceased with the exigencies that gave them birth, and have left no pereneral prosperity of the country This remark, I am aware, may be supposed to have its exception in one measure, the alteration of the Constitution as to the eneral application Thus the course of policy pursued towards France in 1798, on the one hand, and the measures of commercial restriction commenced in 1807, on the other, both subjects of war behind them They were temporary, and whether wise or unwise, their consequences were limited to their respective occasions It is equally clear, at the sa, that those measures of both administrations which were of durable i reeneral approbation Such was the organization, or rather the creation, of the navy, in the administration of Mr Adams; such the acquisition of Louisiana, in that of Mr