Part 28 (1/2)

Eighth Annual Report Various 100540K 2022-07-22

JAMES STEVENSON.

INTRODUCTION.

During my visit to the Southwest, in the summer of 1885, it was my good fortune to arrive at the Navajo Reservation a few days before the commencement of a Navajo healing ceremonial. Learning of the preparation for this, I decided to remain and observe the ceremony, which was to continue nine days and nights. The occasion drew to the place some 1,200 Navajos. The scene of the a.s.semblage was an extensive plateau near the margin of Keams Canyon, Arizona.

A variety of singular and interesting occurrences attended this great event--mythologic rites, gambling, horse and foot racing, general merriment, and curing the sick, the latter being the prime cause of the gathering. A man of distinction in the tribe was threatened with loss of vision from inflammation of the eyes, having looked upon certain masks with an irreligious heart. He was rich and had many wealthy relations, hence the elaborateness of the ceremony of healing. A celebrated theurgist was solicited to officiate, but much anxiety was felt when it was learned that his wife was pregnant. A superst.i.tion prevails among the Navajo that a man must not look upon a sand painting when his wife is in a state of gestation, as it would result in the loss of the life of the child. This medicine man, however, came, feeling that he possessed ample power within himself to avert such calamity by administering to the child immediately after its birth a mixture in water of all the sands used in the painting. As I have given but little time to the study of Navajo mythology, I can but briefly mention such events as I witnessed, and record the myths only so far as I was able to collect them hastily. I will first describe the ceremony of Yeb.i.t.c.hai and give then the myths (some complete and others incomplete) explanatory of the G.o.ds and genii figuring in the Hasjelti Dailjis (dance of Hasjelti) and in the nine days ceremonial, and then others independent of these. The ceremony is familiarly called among the tribe, Yeb.i.t.c.hai, the word meaning the giants uncle. The name was originally given to the ceremonial to awe the children who, on the eighth day of the ceremony, are initiated into some of its mysteries and then for the first time are informed that the characters appearing in the ceremony are not real G.o.ds, but only their representatives. There is good reason for believing that their ideas in regard to the sand paintings were obtained from the Pueblo tribes, who in the past had elaborated sand paintings and whose work at present in connection with most of their medicine ceremonies is of no mean order. The Mission Indians of southern California also regard sand paintings as among the important features in their medicine practices. While the figures of the mythical beings represented by the Navajo are no doubt of their own conception, yet I discovered that all their medicine tubes and offerings were similar to those in use by the Zui. Their presence among the Navajo can be readily explained by the well known fact that it was the custom among Indians of different tribes to barter and exchange medicine songs, ceremonies, and the paraphernalia accompanying them. The Zui and Tusayan claim that the Navajo obtained the secrets of the Pueblo medicine by intruding upon their ceremonials or capturing a pueblo, and that they appropriated whatever suited their fancy.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Fig. 115. Exterior lodge.]

My explanation of the ceremonial described is by authority of the priest doctor who managed the whole affair and who remained with me five days after the ceremonial for this special purpose. Much persuasion was required to induce him to stay, though he was most anxious that we should make no mistake. He said:

My wife may suffer and I should be near her; a fathers eyes should be the first to look upon his child; it is like suns.h.i.+ne in the fathers heart; the father also watches his little one to see the first signs of understanding, and observes the first steps of his child, that too is a bright light in the fathers heart, but when the little one falls, it strikes the fathers heart hard.

The features of this ceremonial which most surprise the white spectator are its great elaborateness, the number of its partic.i.p.ants and its prolongation through many days for the purpose of restoring health to a single member of the tribe.

CONSTRUCTION OF THE MEDICINE LODGE.

A rectangular parallelogram was marked off on the ground, and at each corner was firmly planted a forked post extending 10 feet above the surface, and on these were laid 4 horizontal beams, against which rested poles thickly set at an angle of about 20, while other poles were placed horizontally across the beams forming a support for the covering.

The poles around the sides were planted more in an oval than a circle and formed an interior s.p.a.ce of about 35 by 30 feet in diameter. On the east side of the lodge was an entrance supported by stakes and closed with a buffalo robe, and the whole structure was then thickly covered first with boughs, then with sand, giving it the appearance of a small earth mound.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Fig. 116. Interior lodge.]

FIRST DAY.

PERSONATORS OF THE G.o.dS.

The theurgist or song-priest arrived at noon on the 12th of October, 1885. Almost immediately after his arrival we boldly entered the medicine lodge, accompanied by our interpreter, Navajo John, and pleaded our cause. The stipulation of the medicine man was that we should make no mistakes and thereby offend the G.o.ds, and to avoid mistakes we must hear all of his songs and see all of his medicines, and he at once ordered some youths to prepare a place for our tent near the lodge.

During the afternoon of the 12th those who were to take part in the ceremonial received orders and instructions from the song-priest. One man went to collect twigs with which to make twelve rings, each 6 inches in diameter. These rings represented gaming rings, which are not only used by the Navajo, but are thought highly of by the genii of the rocks.

(See Fig. 117.) Another man gathered willows with which to make the emblem of the concentration of the four winds. The square was made by dressed willows crossed and left projecting at the corners each one inch beyond the next. The corners were tied together with white cotton cord, and each corner was ornamented with the under tail feather of the eagle.

These articles were laid in a niche behind the theurgist, whose permanent seat was on the west side of the lodge facing east. The night ceremony commenced shortly after dark. All those who were to partic.i.p.ate were immediate friends and relatives of the invalid excepting the theurgist or song-priest, he being the only one who received direct compensation for his professional services. The cost of such a ceremony is no inconsiderable item. Not only the exorbitant fee of the theurgist must be paid, but the entire a.s.semblage must be fed during the nine days ceremonial at the expense of the invalid, a.s.sisted by his near relatives.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Fig. 117. Gaming ring.]

A bright fire burned in the lodge, and shortly after dark the invalid appeared and sat upon a blanket, which was placed in front of the song-priest. Previously, however, three men had prepared themselves to personate the G.o.ds--Hasjelti, Hostjoghon, and Hostjobokon--and one to personate the G.o.ddess, Hostjoboard. They left the lodge, carrying their masks in their hands, went a short distance away and put on their masks.

Then Hasjelti and Hostjoghon returned to the lodge, and Hasjelti, amid hoots, hu-hoo-hu-huh! placed the square which he carried over the invalids head, and Hostjoghon shook two eagle wands, one in each hand, on each side of the invalids head and body, then over his head, meanwhile hooting in his peculiar way, hu-u-u-u-uh! He then followed Hasjelti out of the lodge. The men representing Hostjobokon and Hostjoboard came in alternately. Hostjobokon took one of the rings which had been made during the afternoon, and now lay upon the blanket to the right of the invalid, and placed it against the soles of the feet of the invalid, who was sitting with knees drawn up, and then against his knees, palms, breast, each scapula, and top of his head; then over his mouth. While touching the different parts of the body the ring was held with both hands, but when placed to the mouth of the invalid it was taken in the left hand. The ring was made of a reed, the ends of which were secured by a long string wrapped over the ring like a slipnoose.

When the ring was placed over the mouth of the invalid the string was pulled and the ring dropped and rolled out of the lodge, the long tail of white cotton yarn, with eagle plume attached to the end, extending far behind. Hostjoboard repeated this ceremony with a second ring, and so did Hostjobokon and Hostjoboard alternately, until the twelve rings were disposed of. Three of the rings were afterward taken to the east, three to the south, three to the west, and three to the north, and deposited at the base of pion trees. The rings were placed over the invalids mouth to give him strength, cause him to talk with one tongue, and to have a good mind and heart. The other portions of the body were touched with them for physical benefit. When the rings had all been rolled out of the lodge Hasjelti entered, followed by Hostjoghon. He pa.s.sed the square (the concentrated winds) four times over the head of the invalid during his hoots. Hostjoghon then waved his turkey wands about the head and body of the invalid, and the first days ceremony was at an end.

SECOND DAY.

DESCRIPTION OF THE SWEAT HOUSES.

The construction of the first sweat house, or tachi, was begun at dawn.