Part 22 (2/2)
”Already voices make themselves heard which prophesy a revolution in French policy and a later _entente_ with Germany.”[186]
[Footnote 186: Ibid., pp. 26-8.]
Many such pa.s.sages might be cited to prove that Germany would like to see a split among the allies. But France's honour and welfare are in her own hands, and it appears a futile hope that Germany, after failing to bring France to submission and self-effacement by threats of _saigner a blanc_, will succeed in her purpose by the reality.
CHAPTER XI
THE INTELLECTUALS AND THE WAR
Mention has already been made that a large number of Germany's war books has emanated from the universities. Not the least important of these efforts is ”Deutschland und der Weltkrieg” (”Germany and the World War.”)[187] Twenty well-known university professors have contributed to the work; the fact being emphasized that special facilities have been accorded to them by the German foreign office. For British readers the chapters by Professors Marcks and Oncken are the most interesting, viz., ”England's Policy of Might” by the former, and ”Events leading up to the War” and ”The Outbreak of War” by the latter. They take up a fifth of the 686 pages of which the entire work consists.
[Footnote 187: ”Deutschland und der Weltkrieg,” herausgegeben von Otto Hintze, Friedrich Meinecke, Hermann Oncken und Hermann Schumacher.
Leipzig und Berlin, 1915.]
The purpose of Professor Marcks' essay is to prove on historical and scientific lines the lessons which have been taught in German schools for nearly half a century, _i.e._, England is an astute but ruthless robber who respects no right, and no nation which stands in her way.
”England's modern history begins with the Tudors and her world policy with Elizabeth. First of all, England had to liberate herself, economically and politically, from a position of dependence on the other Powers; then she took up her particular att.i.tude to the world. Her separation from the Roman Catholic Church was exceedingly rich in consequences; this step a.s.signed to her a peculiar place in the camp of the nations, and exercised a deep influence upon her intellectual development. It gave her an impetus towards internal and external independence.
”But the determining factor for England's future was her insular position; this has been the case from the time Europe entered the ocean-period. Since the year 1600 England, by her commerce and politics, has influenced Europe from without, while she has maintained for herself a position of independence, and directed her energies across the ocean into the wide world. Successively she seized upon the Baltic, North Sea, and Atlantic Ocean; gradually she became the merchant and s.h.i.+pbuilder for most of the European nations.
”The sea has given her everything--independence, security and prosperity--both in treasure and lands. The sea protected her and spared her the unpleasantness of mighty neighbours. It was the ocean which permitted free development to her internal life, parliament, government and administration, and saved her from the continental form of Government--a strong, armed monarchy.
”The sea has allowed the English to develop, undisturbed, the peculiarities of their race--personal energy, trained by contact with the ocean; personal freedom, favoured but not oppressed by the living organism of the State. The sea afforded them liberty of action in every direction without fear of attack from behind. Freed from the chains which bound Europe, England went out into the wide world.
”Yet she remained constantly a.s.sociated with the continent, not only because Europe was her field of action. English statesmen have always seized upon every opportunity to influence European policy; at first this was from motives of defence, but afterwards from an ever-increasing spirit of aggression. The balance of power on the continent has always been one of the premises for England's security and existence.
”She is indebted to her insular position for the supreme advantage of being able to exercise her influence in Europe without allowing her forces to be tied to the continent; European countries were bound by their own conflicts and differences, enabling England to exert her influence upon them without active partic.i.p.ation. England has become thoroughly accustomed to a state of affairs under which she has no neighbours and never permits any--not even on the sea. She has come to consider this her G.o.d-given prerogative.
”The barriers of geographical position which hampered other lands, nature did not impose upon England; the security afforded by her girdle of waves seemed as it were to impel her to strike out into the unbounded, and to look upon every obstacle as a wrong. There is a thread of daring lawlessness running through all England's world-struggles, through all periods of her history, right down to the present day.
”When England speaks of humanity she means herself; her cosmopolitan utterances refer to her own nationality. She forgets too easily that other nations have arisen on the earth who esteem their own distinguis.h.i.+ng traits and are inspired by the ardent desire to uphold their own inst.i.tutions, forms of Government and culture. England believes all too easily that the world's map should be all one colour.
But the soul of the modern world demands variety.”[188]
[Footnote 188: Ibid., 297 _et seq_.]
There is no important objection to raise against Professor Marcks'
statement of English history and Britain's favoured position on the surface of the globe. Germany did not choose her own geographical situation in the world--it is hers by nature and the right of historical succession. Britain has never envied her or endeavoured to deprive her of the advantages consequent upon her ”place in the sun.”
Neither did the British select their island home; destiny and history were again the determining factors. But it would be a travesty of the truth to a.s.sert that Germany has not envied her that position, together with the advantages arising from it. Yet in the same degree as the inhabitants of these islands have used the ”talents” entrusted to them through their favourable position, Germany's jealousy seems to have become more bitterly angry. By right of birth and national necessity Germany demands the domination of the Rhine, but she fails to recognize that right of birth and the demands of national existence compel Britain to claim the domination of the seas.
The remainder of Professor Marcks' essay is devoted to proving that ”the freedom of our world requires that it shall not be so in future.”
Whatever motives actuated Germany in precipitating the war, this much is now evident--it is her supreme desire and the aim of her highest endeavour to destroy Britain's favoured situation and every advantage accruing to her from it.
To-day the issue is clear and simple for Germany--the annihilation of British power and influence in the world. Literally hundreds of German war books echo that cry, and, above all else, it is the hope of attaining this aim which has aroused the bitterest war fury in the entire German nation--man, woman and child. Reduced to first principles, this difference of geographical position and the varying advantages arising therefrom are the prime causes--if not _the_ cause--of the present world-struggle.
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