Part 11 (1/2)
[Footnote 83: ”The existing condition of affairs” seems to mean Italian neutrality.--Author.]
”Finally Sudek.u.m concluded by pointing out that the German Democrats had neither the intention, nor the right, to influence the att.i.tude of the Italian Socialists, but were merely endeavouring to link up hearty international intercourse again.
”In reply Delia Seta said he found it remarkable that the German Socialists had appealed to their Italian comrades in this solemn hour, all the more remarkable because intentions might easily be ascribed to this intervention. 'This is a serious motive which impels us to state our opinions with unreserved frankness.'
”He continued: 'Your defence does not convince us. You speak of France being allied with us, and of England, Germany's enemy. But we speak of our France, revolutionary France, Jaure's France. The French Socialists opposed the military preparations made by France, you Germans did not do the same in your country, or at least, only up to the point where the imperialistic feelings of the Kaiser and his party might be hurt.
”'The point of view of German Democrats coincides with that of German imperialism. German predominance means for us a far greater danger than Czarism, because Czarism prevents the German army from marching on Paris, and thus protects the banner of France, which in spite of all mistakes and errors, is still the most revolutionary.
”'Germany's motto is: _Deutschland uber alles_ and you have not opposed it; but you have published in the _Vorwarts_ an appreciation of the Kaiser alleging that he had worked during twenty-five years for peace.
”'You speak of German civilization being in danger. But in this civilization we can find no trace of culture, when you attack and torture neutral Belgium, and complete the destruction of Louvain. Taken as a whole, German Socialists are just as plausible and use the same excuses as the Ministers of the German Government.[84]
[Footnote 84: Might not this also be said of Messrs. Morel, Macdonald, Bernard Shaw, etc., and the _Labour Leader_, whose writings on the war have been scattered broadcast throughout Germany during the last six months?]
”'We are enraged at the terrible fact that Germany has violated Belgium's neutrality, and you have not even protested. We tell you quite openly that we honour and weep for devastated Belgium, and tremblingly follow the fate of France.'”
Sudek.u.m had no words with which to answer this terrible indictment, and the _Vorwarts_ could only add the following comment:
”We consider the judgment of our Italian comrades to be one-sided, but for reasons easy to understand, desist from discussing it in the present situation. Unfortunately we must recognize the fact, however, that the Italian view is widespread among the Socialists of other neutral countries.”
Germany's revolutionary party lost no time in hoisting the banner of ”no annexations.” The _Leipziger Folkszeitung_, second in importance only to the _Vorwarts_ nailed down a phrase in the Kaiser's speech from the throne, which stated: ”We are inspired by no desire for conquest.” In commenting on this phrase, Kautsky's organ said:
”The part of the speech which excites most sympathy in us is the admission that Germany cherishes no l.u.s.t for conquest. At the proper time we shall refer to that again.
”It is with sincere regret that we see the French Government on the side of the criminal Powers, which have enslaved and robbed the Russian people. If Germany, in a delirium of victory, should raise claims which mean annexation, then we shall--that must be repeated again--recall the speech from the throne of the German Kaiser on August 4th, 1914.”[85]
[Footnote 85: _Leipziger Volkszeitung_, August 4th.]
During the first year of war a split among the Social Democrats has become evident, and it appears certain that it is the annexation question which is causing the cleavage. In December last Liebknecht abstained from voting when the second war loan was granted by the Reichstag. Evidently doubts have arisen in a small section of the party either as to the origin of the war, or in regard to the objects which the German Government hopes to attain.
On August 20th, 1915, Dr. Liebknecht put this question in the Reichstag: ”Is the Government prepared to enter into immediate peace negotiations on the basis that Germany renounces all annexation claims and a.s.suming that the other Powers in question are willing to negotiate?” Von Jagow replied: ”I believe the great majority of the members will agree with me, when I refuse to answer the question, as being at present beside the purpose.”
The reply evoked a hurricane of ”bravos.”
A parallel may be found in the year 1870. The central committee of German Social Democrats pa.s.sed a resolution that: ”It is absolutely necessary for the party to organize simultaneously in all parts of the country great popular demonstrations against the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, and pa.s.s resolutions in favour of an honourable peace with the French republic.”
Nothing came of the movement, for on September 9th the committee was placed under arrest and prosecuted. If Germany should be victorious in this war, it is to be a.s.sumed that the Socialists would again prove powerless to prevent annexation. What the allies cannot hinder, the Social Democrats would be still more helpless to prevent; especially as the great majority of them are unreservedly on the side of the Kaiser and his Government. When in need, the latter flattered and persuaded the Democrats to vote for an alleged war of defence; but should German arms be victorious the German Government would neither seek, nor accept advice on her national projects, from her quondam internationalists.
There are grounds for suspicion that the party is playing a game desired by the Berlin Government. For some months past they have tried every means possible to arrange personal interviews with the leaders of the corresponding party in France--the French ”comrades” have refused to meet them. The _Leipziger Volkszeitung_ for July 16th, 1915, contains more than a column about ”We and the French,” in which the German party spreads the usual Teutonic lime of sophistry and empty phrases.
One pa.s.sage betrays the entire intrigue. They wish their ”French brothers” to agree to a peace without annexations, which means, in so many words, that the French Socialists are to renounce Alsace-Lorraine for ever. Had they been, or should they be in the future, so foolish as to enter this German mouse-trap, then before the war has reached a decisive conclusion, a large section of the French nation would be pledged to renounce the lost provinces even in case of a German defeat.
This is an excellent instance of the manner in which German Social Democracy works in an enemy country to a.s.sist its own Government. In like manner, the Independent Labour Party and Union of Democratic Control are forces exceedingly sensitive to German influence, and in a decisive moment can be set in motion by the German ”comrades.”
The hundred and eleven Social Democrats in the Reichstag have no real power in Germany. If they possess any degree of power, then fear for their own skins, prevents them from risking its exercise. Their real opinion concerning Alsace-Lorraine appeared in the same journal four days later. ”According to our opinion it would be a crime, if France made the return of these provinces a condition of peace.” In the same article an accusation of one-sidedness is made against the Socialists in France for supporting the French Government. After which, it is not surprising that every time the names of the _Genossen_ Macdonald, Snowden, Hardie and Newbold occur in the _Leipziger Volkszeitung_, they are mentioned with awe and reverence.
”Besides Ramsay Macdonald and Philip Snowden, our friend J.T. Walton Newbold has got on the nerves of the English patriots.”[86] These gentlemen invariably receive polite mention, but French Socialists are evidently in disfavour--presumably because they know too well the German game.
[Footnote 86: _Leipziger Volkszeitung_, July 23rd, 1915.]
The peace programme of the German Socialists has been published. An official declaration of the party which appeared on August 23rd, 1915, gives the following conditions.