Part 3 (2/2)
”Just before this telegram came into the Czar's hands, the Czar, on his side, begged the Kaiser for his help: the Kaiser should advise Vienna to be more moderate. The Kaiser undertook the task of mediator, but the action ordered by him was hardly in motion, when Russia began to mobilize all her forces against Austria-Hungary. (Excited shouts of indignation and disgust.) But Austria had only mobilized certain army corps against Serbia, besides which she had only two corps, and these were far from the Russian frontier.
”At this juncture the Kaiser informed the Czar that the mobilization of his armies against Austria would increase the difficulties of mediation, a task which he had undertaken at the Czar's express wish, and perhaps render it impossible. Nevertheless, we continued our mediatory action in Berlin, and indeed in a form which went to the limits permitted by our alliance. (Great excitement.) During this time Russia renewed her a.s.surances that she was taking no military measures against us.
”We come to July 3ist. In Vienna a decision was to be arrived at on that day. By our representations we had already brought it about that Vienna, which for a time was not in direct communication with St. Petersburg, had commenced direct discussion again. But before Vienna could come to a final decision, the news came that Russia was mobilizing--_i.e._, against us too--her whole forces. (Cries of indignation.) The Russian Government, although fully aware from our repeated representations what a mobilization on our frontiers means, did not notify this step to us, and gave us no explanations concerning it.
”As late as the afternoon of July 31st a telegram came from the Czar to the Kaiser in which the former pledged himself that his army should take up no provocative att.i.tude against us. (Great excitement.) But the hostile mobilization on the Russian frontier was in full swing during the night July 30th-31st. While we were mediating in Berlin the Russian armies appeared on our long and almost entirely open frontier. France was not yet mobilizing, but, as she admits, was already taking precautionary measures.
”And we? Up till then we had not--the Imperial Chancellor spoke with great emotion and repeatedly struck the table while uttering these words--called up a single reservist, out of a loving regard for the peace of Europe. (Loud cries of 'Bravo!') Were we then to wait on in patience till the Powers between which we are wedged should choose their moment to strike? (A hurricane of voices, 'No!') To expose Germany to this danger would be a crime. (Stormy, general and long continued cries of 'Quite true!' and 'Bravo!' in which the Social Democrats joined too.)
”Therefore on July 31st we requested Russia to demobilize as the only measure which could save the European peace. (Loud applause.) The Imperial Amba.s.sador in St. Petersburg further received instructions to inform the Russian Government, that in case our demand was rejected, we should consider ourselves in a state of war with Russia. The Imperial Amba.s.sador has carried out these instructions.
”What answer Russia accorded to our demand for demobilization we do not know even to-day. Telegraphic announcements on this point have not reached us, although matters of far less importance have been sent over the wires. Hence, long after the expiration of the stated time, the Kaiser saw himself compelled to mobilize our forces at 5 o'clock on August 1st.
”Simultaneously, it was necessary for us to inquire regarding France's att.i.tude. In answer to our definite question whether, in case of a Russo-German war, France would remain neutral, the French Government has replied that they will act as their interests dictate. (Laughter.) This was at least an evasion, if not a negative answer to our question.
”In spite of this, the Kaiser ordered that the French frontier should be respected. This order was strictly obeyed with one single exception.
France, who mobilized at the same time as ourselves, declared that she would respect a ten-kilometre zone along her frontiers. (Cries of indignation.) And what happened in reality? Their airmen have thrown bombs, cavalry patrols have violated our territory, and companies have broken into Alsace-Lorraine. (Indignation.) Therewith, France, although war has not yet been declared, has attacked our territories.
”As regards the single exception which I have referred, I have received the following report from the Chief of the General Staff: In respect to French complaints of violations of her frontiers, only one case is admitted. Against express orders an officer with a patrol from the 14th Army Corps crossed the French frontier on August 2nd. Apparently they were shot down; only one man has returned. But long before this single instance occurred, French airmen had penetrated into Southern Germany and dropped bombs, and French troops had attacked our frontier-protection-troops in the Schlucht Pa.s.s. Up till now our soldiers have confined themselves entirely to protecting the frontier.
”So far the report from the Chief of the General Staff.
”We are now in a position of self-defence, and necessity knows no law![21] (Cries of 'Quite right!') Our troops have occupied Luxembourg, perhaps they have already entered Belgium. (Loud applause.) That is a breach of international law. The French Government, it is true, had declared in Brussels that they would respect Belgian neutrality so long as their opponent respected it. But we knew that France stood ready to invade it. (Cries of indignation.)
[Footnote 21: This sentence seems so important that I give the original: ”Wir sind jetzt in der Notwehr, und Not kennt kein Gebot!”]
”France could wait, we could not; and a French attack in our flank on the Lower Rhine might have been disastrous for us. Thus we were compelled to ignore the protests of the Luxembourg and Belgian Governments.
”The injustice which we commit thereby, we shall try to make good again as soon as our military goal is attained. Anyone who fights for the highest, as we do now, may only think of how he may hack his way through. (Hurricanes of applause; long continued hand-clapping in the whole house and on the tribune.)
”Gentlemen, we are standing shoulder to shoulder with Austria-Hungary.
Concerning England's att.i.tude, the declaration made by Sir Edward Grey in the House of Commons yesterday has made the standpoint which the English Government takes up quite clear.
”We have declared to the English Government that as long as England remains neutral, our fleet shall not attack the North Coast of France.
Further, that we shall not disturb the integrity and independence of Belgium. I repeat this declaration before the whole world and I may add that if England will remain neutral, we are prepared--a.s.suming mutual treatment--to undertake no hostile operations against France's commercial marine. (Applause.)
”Gentlemen, so much for events up till now! I repeat the words of the Kaiser: 'We enter the struggle with a clear conscience!' (Great enthusiasm.) We are fighting for the fruits of our labours in peace, for the heritage of a great past, and for our future. The fifty years are not yet ended within which Moltke said we should stand at arms to defend the heritage and the achievements of 1870. The hour of great trial has struck for our nation. But we look forward to it with absolute confidence. (Tremendous applause.)
”Our army is in the field, our fleet is ready, and behind them the entire German nation (roars of never-ending applause and hand-clapping in the whole house)--the whole German nation! (These words were accompanied by a gesture towards the Social Democrats.--Renewed outburst of applause, in which the Social Democrats also joined.)
”Gentlemen, you know your duty in its entirety. The vote of credit requires no further argument, I beg you to pa.s.s it quickly. (Loud applause.)”[22]
[Footnote 22: _Berliner Tageblatt_, August 5th.]
Unfortunately this eloquent exposition of Germany's case contains inaccuracies which can only be described as conscious untruths. I have already made myself responsible for the statement: ”Lying has always been the foundation stone of German policy.”[23] Earl Cromer, in commenting on this, gives additional evidence of its veracity.[24]
[Footnote 23: ”Soul of Germany,” p. 192.]
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