Part 55 (1/2)
_October 21._
Read in the newspaper the King of the Netherlands' speech. It is querulous and angry. I really thought the Proclamation _extraordinary_ of the Prince of Orange a forgery; but it is genuine, and he throws off all connection with Holland, declaring the independence of Belgium, and placing himself practically at the head of the Rebellion!
On Monday night at a dance at the Lodge, Hardinge saw accidentally in an evening newspaper, shown to him for another purpose, the advertis.e.m.e.nt of the Anti-Union a.s.sociation, and by seven o'clock the next morning the Lord Lieutenant's Proclamation prohibiting it was placarded in the streets. This is decision. There was no riot. Persons in general were satisfied the act was right. O'Connell is alarmed. The Duke of Leinster is ready to sign a declaration in favour of the Union. All is safe in Ireland with Hardinge's prompt.i.tude. I wish he could remain and not come over to Parliament.
_October 22._
Saw Campbell, who was very nervous and anxious, and I at night wrote a letter to Lord Hill in favour of his son--more, I admit, from a father's feelings than from a conviction of being right.
It seems the Lord Lieutenant not having been near Dublin when the Proclamation was issued by Hardinge, he must have had a blank Proclamation in his pocket, and have issued it without the opinion of the law officers.
He has good debatable Parliamentary grounds of defence; but he has trodden upon the margin of the law. Not the worse for that in these times, when it is most important that every one should see the Government are vigilant and determined.
Valdez, who entered Spain with a few hundred men, has been smashed at once.
At the Cabinet we had a long discussion respecting the Regency question.
Aberdeen started the objection that the proposed measure was destructive of the principle that the King could not die. On the other hand it was contended that we maintained that principle. We made a Regent for _a King_.
We acknowledged _a King_; but we deferred taking the oath of allegiance till we knew who he was. The difficulties attending the _unkinging_ of a Sovereign on the birth of a Prince nearer to the present King seem greater than any attending the measure proposed. It was ultimately determined that the Chancellor should consult the judges and the law officers.
_October 23._
Cabinet. Twenty-six magistrates at Canterbury sentenced to three days'
imprisonment thres.h.i.+ng machine breakers, who pleaded guilty! Such has been the terror struck into them! Sir E. Knatchbull was in the chair.
We went through the speech--not deciding absolutely upon the words; but generally upon the substance.
Then arose a conversation as to the Regency which, in this last hour, is thought a point of importance. The Chancellor seems alarmed and unwilling to move the suspension of the rights of the presumptive heir until the non- existence of an heir apparent be ascertained, without the opinion of the judges. It is admitted there is no written opinion to guide us. The a.n.a.logy of property is in favour of the heir presumptive; that of peerage in favour of the heir apparent _in utero_.
_October 24._
Cabinet at 4. Read two letters from Hardinge. By his account all the men of property will support the Government and the Union.
The press is coming round--_bought_. A Mr. Conway, an able writer, is furious against O'Connell, and, upon the whole, the Press is on our side.
Hardinge dilates with delight upon his military preparations and plans of defence, and seemingly will be disappointed if he cannot put them into execution.
The Belgian Ministers resigned after the Prince of Orange's Proclamation.
He is left without advisers. He has endeavoured to get Sir Charles Bagot to join him, and Grasioff. He sends for Cartwright. He seems much embarra.s.sed.
In fact he is in heart a Belgian, and would sacrifice everything to be King of Belgium. He never knew the Dutch, and not unnaturally likes the Belgians better. They are indignant at his conduct in Holland, and with reason. He seems to intend to rule the Dutch by means of the Belgians. This he cannot do.
The Duke of Wellington always thought him a silly fellow.
The Provisional Government is going to send some mission here.
We had a long talk about the Regency. Really it does us little credit to begin now, within ten days of the meeting of Parliament, to consider that question seriously.
The Chief Justices will be asked whether, supposing the Queen to be pregnant at the death of the King, the next living heir would succeed? How in the event of the birth of a child the _de facto_ Sovereign is to be put aside? And what should be done if the Queen only may be with child? The difficulty consists in the oath of allegiance, which must be altered and made conditional. But what a curious position the Queen Victoria would be placed in, if a baby were to oust her after eight months of reign!