Part 10 (1/2)
The Protestant leaders had rejected the Copernican doctrine as contrary to the Scriptures. The Roman Congregations had now condemned Galileo for upholding this doctrine after they had prohibited it for the same reasons. These objections are perhaps best summarized in that open letter Foscarini wrote to the general of his order, the Carmelites, at Naples in January, 1615,[300]--the letter that was absolutely prohibited by the Index in March, 1616. He gave these arguments and answered them lest, as he said, ”whilst otherwise the opinion is favored with much probability, it be found in reality to be extremely repugnant (as at first sight it seems) not only to physical reasons and common principles received on all hands (which cannot do so much harm), but also (which would be of far worse consequence) to many authorities of Sacred Scripture. Upon which account many at first looking into it explode it as the most fond paradox and monstrous _capriccio_ that ever was heard of.” ”Yet many modern authors,” he says further on, ”are induced to follow it, but with much hesitancy and fear, in regard that it seemeth in their opinion so to contradict the Holy Scriptures that it cannot possibly be reconciled to them.”
Consequently Foscarini argued that the theory is either true or false; if false, it ought not to be divulged; if true, the authority of the Sacred Scriptures will not oppose it; neither does one truth contradict another. So he turned to the Bible.
[Footnote 300: In Salusbury: _Math. Coll._: I, 471-503.]
He found that six groups of authorities seemed to oppose this doctrine. (1) Those stating that the earth stands fast, as Eccles.
1:4. (2) Those stating that the sun moves and revolves; as Psalm XIX, Isaiah x.x.xVIII, and the miracle in Josh. X:12-14. (3) Those speaking of the heaven above and the earth beneath, as in Joel II. Also Christ came _down_ from Heaven. (4) Those authorities who place h.e.l.l at the center of the world, a ”common opinion of divines,” because it ought to be in the lowest part of the world, that is, at the center of the sphere. Then by the Copernican hypothesis, h.e.l.l must either be in the sun; or, if in the earth, if the earth should move about the sun, then h.e.l.l within the earth would be in Heaven, and nothing could be more absurd. (5) Those authorities opposing Heaven to earth and earth to Heaven, as in Gen. I, Mat. VI, etc. Since the two are always mutually opposed to each other, and Heaven undoubtedly refers to the circ.u.mference, earth must necessarily be at the center. (6) Those authorities (”rather of fathers and divines than of the Sacred Scriptures”) who declare that after the Day of Judgment, the sun shall stand immovable in the east and the moon in west.
Foscarini then lays down in answer six maxims, the first of which is that things attributed to G.o.d must be expounded metaphorically according to our manner of understanding and of common speech. The other maxims are more metaphysical, as that everything in the universe, whether corruptible or incorruptible, obeys a fixed law of its nature; so, for example, Fortune is _always_ fickle. In concluding his defense, he claims among other things, that the Copernician is a more admirable hypothesis than the Ptolemaic, and that it is an easy way into astronomy and philosophy. Then he adds that there may be an a.n.a.logy between the seven-branched candlestick of the Old Testament and the seven planets around the sun, and possibly the arrangement of the seeds in the ”Indian Figg,” in the pomegranate and in grapes is all divine evidence of the solar system. With such an amusing reversion to mediaeval a.n.a.logy his spirited letter ends.
Some or all of these scriptural arguments appear in most of the attacks on the doctrine even before its condemnation by the Index in 1616 was widely known. Besides these objections, Aristotle's and Ptolemy's statements were endlessly repeated with implicit faith in their accuracy. Even Sir Francis Bacon (1567-1631) with all his modernity of thought, failed in this instance to recognize the value of the new idea and, despite his interest in Galileo's discoveries, harked back to the time-honored objections. At first mild in his opposition, he later became emphatically opposed to it. In the _Advancement of Learning_[301] (1604), he speaks of it as a possible explanation of the celestial phenomena according to astronomy but as contrary to natural philosophy. Some fifteen years later in the _Novum Organon_,[302] he a.s.serts that the a.s.sumption of the earth's movement cannot be allowed; for, as he says in his _Thema Coeli_,[303] at that time he considered the opinion that the earth is stationary the truer one. Finally, in his _De Augmentis Scientiarum_[304] (1622-1623) he speaks of the old notions of the solidity of the heavens, etc., and adds, ”It is the absurdity of these opinions that has driven men to the diurnal motion; which I am convinced is most false.” He gives his reasons in the _Descriptio Globi Intellectualis_[305] (ch. 5-6): ”In favor of the earth [as the center of the world] we have the evidence of our sight, and an inveterate opinion; and most of all this, that as dense bodies are contracted into a narrow compa.s.s, and rare bodies are widely diffused (and the area of every circle is contracted to the center) it seems to follow almost of necessity that the narrow s.p.a.ce about the middle of the world be set down as the proper and peculiar place for dense bodies.” The sun's claims to such a situation are satisfied through having two satellites of its own, Venus and Mercury.
Copernicus's scheme is inconvenient; it overloads the earth with a triple motion; it creates a difficulty by separating the sun from the number of the planets with which it has much in common; and the ”introduction of so much immobility into nature ... and making the moon revolve around the earth in an epicycle, and some other a.s.sumptions of his are the speculations of one who cares not what fictions he introduces into nature, provided his calculations answer.”
The total absence of all reference to the Scriptures is the unique and refres.h.i.+ng part of Bacon's thought.
[Footnote 301: Bk. II: sec. 8, --1.]
[Footnote 302: Bk. II, ch. 46.]
[Footnote 303: _Phil. Works_: 705.]
[Footnote 304: Bk. III.]
[Footnote 305: _Phil. Works_: 684-685.]
All the more common arguments against the diurnal rotation of the earth are well stated in an interesting little letter (1619) by Thomas Feyens, or Fienus, a professor at the school of medicine in the University of Louvain.[306] Thus Catholic, Protestant, and unbeliever, Feyens, Melancthon, Bacon and Bodin, all had recourse to the same arguments to oppose this seemingly absurd doctrine.
[Footnote 306: Translated in Appendix C. For criticism, see Monchamp: 58-64.]
Froidmont, or Fromundus, the good friend and colleague of Feyens at Louvain, was also much interested in these matters, so much so that some thought he had formerly accepted the Copernican doctrine and ”only fled back into the camp of Aristotle and Ptolemy through terror at the decree of the S. Congregation of Cardinals.”[307] His indignant denial of this imputation of turn-coat in 1634 is somewhat weakened by reference to his _Saturnalitae Coenae_[308] (1615) in which he suggests that, if the Copernican doctrine is admitted, then h.e.l.l may be in the sun at the center of the universe rather than in the earth, in order to be as far as possible from Paradise. He also refers in his _De Cometa_ (1618) to the remark of Justus-Lipsius[309] that this paradox was buried with Copernicus, saying ”You are mistaken, O n.o.ble scholar: it lives, and it is full of vigor even now among many,”[310] thus apparently not seeing serious objection to it. M. Monchamp summarizes Froidmont's point of view as against Aristotle and Ptolemy, half for Copernicus and wholly for Tycho Brahe.
[Footnote 307: Fromundus: _Vesta_: Ad Lectorem.]
[Footnote 308: Monchamp: 41.]
[Footnote 309: Justus-Lipsius: IV, 947.]
[Footnote 310: Monchamp: 48.]
Froidmont's best known books are the two he wrote in answer to a defense of the Copernican position first by Philip Lansberg, then by his son. The _Ant-Aristarchus sive Orbis Terrae Immobilis, Liber unicus in quo decretum S. Congregationis S.R.E. Cardinal. an. 1616, adversus Pythagorico-Copernica.n.u.s editum, defenditur_, appeared in 1631 before Galileo's condemnation. The Jesuit Cavalieri wrote to Galileo in May about it thus:[311] ”I have run it through, and verily it states the Copernican theory and the arguments in its favor with so much skill and efficacy that he seems to have understood it very well indeed. But he refutes them with so little force that he seems rather to be of an opinion contrary to that expressed in the t.i.tle of his book. I have given it to M. Cesar. If you wish it, I will have it sent to you. The arguments he brings against Copernicus are those you have so masterfully stated and answered in your _Dialogo_.” Nearly a year later, Galileo wrote to Ga.s.sendi and Diodati that he had received this book a month before and, although he had been unable to read much of it on account of his eye trouble, it seemed to him that of all the opponents of Copernicus whom he had seen, Fromundus was the most sensible and efficient.[312] Again he wrote in January, 1633, regretting that he had not seen it till six months after he had published his dialogues, for he would have both praised it and commented upon certain points. ”As for Fromundus (who however shows himself to be a man of great talent) I wish he had not fallen into what seems to me a truly serious error, although a rather common one, in order to refute the Copernican opinion, of beginning by poking scorn and ridicule at those who consider it true, and then (what seems to me still less becoming) of basing his attack chiefly on the authority of the Scriptures, and finally of deducing from this that in this respect it is an opinion little short of heretical. To argue in this way is clearly not praiseworthy;” for as Galileo goes on to show, if the Scriptures are the word of G.o.d, the heavens themselves are his handiwork. Why is the one less n.o.ble than the other?[313]
[Footnote 311: Ibid: 94.]
[Footnote 312: Galileo: _Opere_: XV, 25.]
[Footnote 313: Ibid: XIV, 340-341.]
Froidmont replied in 1633 to Lansberg's reply with his second attack, _Vesta, sive Ant-Aristarchi Vindex_, in which he laid even more emphasis upon the theological and scriptural objections. Yet, in ignorance of Galileo's condemnation, he considers the charge of heresy too strong. ”The partisans of this system do not after all disdain the authority of the Scriptures, although they appear to interpret it in a way rather in their favor.” He also, and rightly, denies the existence at that time of any conclusive proof.[314]