Part 39 (1/2)

”I appreciate that, and I'll remember it.”

The strike committee heard what had occurred within an hour, as far as Pelham's decision was concerned.

”Good boy!” said Spence. ”Give 'em a run for their dirty money.”

Serrano, an unofficial member of the group, broke in excitedly. ”Why not run Judson as labor candidate for sheriff, and elect him? That's the best answer to make to the crooks! You'd run, wouldn't you?”

Pelham thought rapidly. It would at least give a wonderful chance for propaganda, even if they couldn't overcome the big odds against them. ”I don't think we could win----”

”Win? We'd lick the lights out of 'em! Man, Adamsville's waking up! With the strike going on, you could beat out d.i.c.k Sumter hands down! Look how he's turned the sheriff's office over to the companies! Will you do it?”

There might be something in it; his heart expanded sharply from the excitement. He kept his voice level. ”I'd be willing to, of course. What do you think of it, Ben?”

The cautious labor lawyer was not so enthusiastic. ”You might do it, Judson. You'd have to have union labor entirely behind you----”

”We can make 'em endorse him!”

”Socialist and all?” quizzed Spence, smiling doubtfully.

”Sure! Think what it would mean to the strike, if we had the sheriff's office! We could enforce order then.... They'd have no chance to call out their bra.s.s-b.u.t.toned w.i.l.l.i.e.s.”

”Well, it's a big chance.”

The hearing at Jackson, the next week, was the cut-and-dried farce that Pratt Judson and Spence had predicted. The governor was friendly but firm. ”It's my duty, Mr. Judson, as a servant of all the people, to remove you.”

Jane, on fire with the idea of the campaign, caught his hand impulsively when he hurried back to tell her. ”Don't mind it. We knew what they would do.... Now--show them!”

The thing moved slowly. There were countless obstacles. Pooley, Bowden, the regular machine, would not hear of it. An uproarious meeting of the Trade Council shoved through an endors.e.m.e.nt. The leaders changed their talk then, but Pelham felt their hidden antipathy working against him.

So far there had been no open announcement of the race, and it was now the last week of August.

”Ben Spence, you've got to put this thing over. Hire Arlington Hall--the socialist local will put up the money--and start it next Sunday afternoon.”

”Hadn't we better wait until things are straightened out a bit----”

”We'll wait until election's over, then. We've waited three weeks now.”

”All right. Dawson says he'll back you; he's worth a lot.”

Then began first-hand knowledge of the detail of politics for Pelham.

Even before the announcement meeting, the socialist local, in its haphazard groping for democracy, selected a committee to steer the campaign. They met in Pelham's office the next night.

Pelham mused over their faces, as they blundered down to business.

Surely the most extraordinary group ever a.s.sembled to direct the political destinies of Adamsville! Serrano, a bricklayer, a loud voiced, commanding bulk of a man, who banged with the improvised gavel; Christopher Duckworth, pioneer in the Adamsville movement, an impecunious old architect who had had his name on the state ticket at every election for sixteen years; two machinists, fighting units of a fighting group, ”Mule” Hinton and Henry Gup; the party's state secretary, Mrs. Ola Spigner, who had come up from her farm in Choctaw County, ever on hand for a fight; Phifer Craft, a failure as a commission merchant, and a deep theoretical student of Marx and Dietzgen; Abe Katz, spokesman of the tailors' union and the Arbeiter Ring; and his landlady, Mrs. Hernandez, invariable woman member on committees. They were not even leaders in their trades, except Serrano and perhaps Katz. Most were poor speakers or spoke not at all. But out of the ill-lit slums and lean cheap suburbs they had been flung together by a burning idealism for a greater world. They were the hands of a people's groping faith.

”I mofe we elect us a treasurer,” said Abe Katz seriously. So began the business of the campaign.

Dawson, Ben Spence, even Bowden and the Bivens group dropped in at occasional meetings; but this faithful nucleus was always on hand, doing the real work. They mapped out the itinerary of speakers, got out the first literature, sent soliciting committees to the various unions for endors.e.m.e.nt and funds, in fact directed the whole campaign.

Any of the comrades were willing to be broken in as chairmen of the meetings. The speaking at first fell heavily on Serrano, Duckworth, and Pelham himself; but gradually the liberal element of the city came into the fight. Dr. Gulley threw the support of his Free Congregation into the contest with the ”County Ring,” as represented by Sumter; near-radical lawyers, Will Tatum, Judge Deason, Harvey Cade, eager to oust the corporation toadies, were invaluable a.s.sistants; Lane Cullom's car was always at the call of the committee, and shared with Pelham's the duty of touring the rambling county roads to the further meetings.