Part 12 (2/2)

The writers who have contributed to the development of revolutionary syndicalism may be divided into two groups. One comprises men who, like Pelloutier, Pouget, Griffuelhes, Delesalle, Niel, Yvetot and others, either belong to the working-cla.s.s, or have completely identified themselves with the workingmen. The other consists of a number of ”intellectuals” who stand outside of the syndicalist movement.

The members of the first group have played the leading part in building up the syndicalist movement. Pelloutier was secretary of the Federation of Bourses from 1894 to 1901; Griffuelhes was secretary of the General Confederation of Labor from 1901 to 1908; Pouget was a.s.sistant secretary of the Confederation and editor of the _Voix du Peuple_ from 1900 to 1908; Yvetot has been one of the secretaries of the Confederation since 1902; Niel was secretary of the General Confederation for a short time in 1909, and the others now occupy or have occupied prominent places in the syndicalist organizations.

The close connection of the members of this group with the syndicalist movement and with the General Confederation of Labor has had its influence upon their writings. Their ideas have been stimulated by close observation of the facts of syndicalist life, and the course of their thought has been determined largely by the struggles of the day. There is a stronger emphasis in their writings upon methods, upon ”direct action,” and upon relations to other existing groups. There is less speculation and pure theorizing. In other respects the men of this group differ. They have come from different political groupings: Pouget and Yvetot, for instance, from the Communist-Anarchists; Griffuelhes from the Allemanists. They have different views on the relation of revolutionary syndicalism to other social theories, differences which will be brought out further on.

The second group of writers, the so-called ”intellectuals” outside the syndicalist movement, have grouped themselves about the monthly _Le Mouvement Socialiste_, started in 1899 by M. Hubert Lagardelle, a member of the Socialist Party, and about the weekly _La Guerre Sociale_, of which Gustave Herve is editor. _Le Mouvement Socialiste_ was at first a Socialist monthly review, but accentuated its sympathy for the syndicalists as time went on, and became an expressly revolutionary syndicalist organ in 1904. The _Mouvement Socialiste_ counted among its constant contributors down to 1910 M. Georges Sorel and Edouard Berth.

These three writers, Sorel, Lagardelle, and Berth, have tried to systematize the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism and to put them on a philosophical and sociological basis. The most prolific of them and the one who has been proclaimed ”the most profound thinker of the new school” is M. Georges Sorel.

M. Georges Sorel has written on various subjects. Among the works from his pen are volumes on Socrates, on _The Historical System of Renan_, on _The Ruin of the Ancient World_, a number of articles on ethics and on various other topics. The works that bear on revolutionary syndicalism which alone can be here considered, are: _L'Avenir Socialiste des Syndicats_, _La Decomposition du Marxisme_, _Introduction a l'economie Moderne_, _Les Illusions du Progres_, _Reflexions sur la Violence_, and a number of articles in various periodicals.

The works of M. Sorel on revolutionary syndicalism stretch over a period of ten to twelve years: _The Socialist Future of the Syndicats_ was written in 1897; the second edition of his _Reflections on Violence_ appeared in 1910. Within this period of time the thought of M. Sorel has not only steadily developed in scope but has also changed in many essential points. It would require a separate study to point out the changes and their significance. This is out of the question in this study. The salient points only of M. Sorel's theories will be treated here, therefore, without consideration of their place in the intellectual history of their author.

M. Sorel has attached his theories to the ideas of Marx. Revolutionary syndicalism is to M. Sorel but the revival and further development of the fundamental ideas of Marx. The ”new school” considers itself, therefore, ”neo-Marxist,” true to ”the spirit” of Marx[154] though rejecting the current interpretations of Marx and completing the lacunae which it finds in Marx. This work of revision it considers indispensable because, on the one hand, Marx was not always ”well inspired,”[155] and often harked back to the past instead of penetrating into the future; and because, on the other hand, Marx did not know all the facts that have now become known; Marx knew well the development of the bourgeoisie, but could not know the development of the labor movement which has become such a tremendous factor in social life.[156]

[154] G. Sorel, _L'Avenir Socialiste des Syndicats_ (Paris, 1901), p. 3.

[155] G. Sorel, _Reflexions sur la Violence_ (Paris, 1910), p. 249.

[156] _Ibid._, p. 246.

The ”new school” does not consider itself by any means bound to admire ”the illusions, the faults, the errors of him who has done so much to elaborate the revolutionary ideas.”[157] What it retains of Marx is his essential and fruitful idea of social evolution, namely, that the development of each social system furnishes the material conditions for effective and durable changes in the social relations within which a new system begins its development.[158] Accordingly, Socialists must drop all utopian ideas: they must understand that Socialism is to be developed gradually in the bosom of capitalism itself and is to be liberated from within capitalistic surroundings only when the time is ripe.

[157] G. Sorel, _Reflexions sur la Violence_ (Paris, 1910), p. 249.

[158] G. Sorel, _L'Avenir Socialiste des Syndicats_, pp. 3-4.

The ripening of socialism within capitalism does not mean merely technical development. This is indispensable of course: socialism can be only an economic system based on highly developed and continually progressing productive forces; but this is one aspect of the case only.

The other, a no less if not more important aspect, is the development of new moral forces within the old system; that is, the political, juridical and moral development of the working-cla.s.s,[159] of that cla.s.s which alone can establish a socialist society.

[159] _Ibid._, p. 39.

This was also the idea of Marx: ”Marx also saw that the workingmen must acquire political and juridical capacity before they can triumph.”[160]

The revolution which the working-cla.s.s is pursuing is not a simple change in the personnel or in the form of the government; it is a complete overthrow of the ”traditional State” which is to be replaced by the workingmen's organizations. Such a complete transformation presupposes ”high moral culture” in the workingmen and a capacity for directing the economic functions of society. The social revolution will thus come only when the workingmen are ”ready” for it, that is, when they feel that they can a.s.sume the direction of society. The ”moral”

education of the working-cla.s.s, therefore, is the essential thing; Socialism will not have to ”organize labor”, because capitalism will have accomplished this work before. But in order that the working-cla.s.s should be able to behave like ”free men” in the ”workshop created by capitalism”,[161] they must have developed the necessary capacities.

Socialism, therefore, reduces itself ”to the revolutionary apprentices.h.i.+p”[162] of the workingmen; ”to teaching the workingmen to will, to instructing them by action, and to revealing to them their proper capacities; such is the whole secret of the socialist education of the people.”[163]

[160] _Ibid._, p. 4.

[161] G. Sorel, _Reflexions sur la Violence_, pp. 289-5.

[162] _Ibid._, p. 42.

[163] G. Sorel, _Preface_ to Pelloutier's _Histoire des Bourses du Travail_.

The workingmen can find the moral training necessary for the triumph of socialism only in the syndicats and in the experience of syndical life.

The syndicats develop the administrative and organizing capacities of the workingmen. In the syndicats the workingmen learn to do their business themselves and to reject the dictators.h.i.+p of ”intellectuals”

who have conquered the field of politics which they have made to serve their ambitions.

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