Part 2 (1/2)

In this year (1838) the Society addressed a memorial to Congress praying that a site be accorded the Monument on the public mall. For this purpose a bill was reported in the Senate, which, being under consideration in that body, June 15th, caused much debate and adverse criticism of the Society and its work.

Mr. Roane, replying to an inquiry of Mr. Allen (Ohio), stated that the sum collected by the Society was about $30,000 which was put out at interest.

To this Mr. Allen answered that he believed they had collected more than that sum in his own State.

Mr. Bayard thought that to erect the Monument on the place proposed would be to destroy the whole plan of the mall, and that as far as the prospect was concerned, nothing could be more unfortunate. Besides the means of the Society were very insignificant compared with the object in view, for as they had agents all over the United States collecting simultaneously it was to be presumed they had collected all they were to get.

Mr. Norvell was satisfied that they (the Society) were incapable of meriting the imputation impliedly, he hoped not intentionally, cast upon them by the Senator from Ohio. He presumed extensive subscriptions had been made to the work, but not yet collected, and that considerable expense must have been incurred in the employment of agents. As to the location of the site he could say nothing, but he was certain that such a monument as proposed ought long since to have been erected to the memory of the ill.u.s.trious Chief under whose guidance this Nation had been led to victory, liberty, and independence.

Mr. Hubbard thought the original plan of building the Monument by the voluntary contributions of the people ought to be carried out, and that the President and the Commissioner of Public Buildings and Grounds ought to have nothing to do with it. As to the expense, he said, judging from the cost of the Bunker Hill Monument, the $30,000 of the Society would not be enough to lay the foundations.

Mr. Morris (Ohio) thought the public ought to be informed why so paltry a sum had been contributed; his own county had contributed over $1,000.

There was a sort of enthusiasm on the subject in Ohio. The Governor had issued his proclamation in favor of it, and the _sheriffs_ VOLUNTEERED to act as collectors, and judging from _these tokens_ the sum collected could not fall short of $30,000 (in Ohio). He also thought the work should go on without aid by Congress, and hoped the bill would be laid on the table. Mr. Allen, in further remarks said, in substance, he did not believe the story that only $30,000 had been collected. He considered it a reproach to the liberality of the country. He would vote with the boldest to erect a suitable monument to the memory of the Father of his country; he would vote a million of dollars, but he considered it a reproach to the country to commence work with the paltry sum the Society say they had in hand.

On motion of Mr. Morris, the bill was indefinitely postponed.

These proceedings appearing in the daily press, the Society adopted and presented the following memorial:

”_To the Senate of the United States_:

”The Board of Managers of the Was.h.i.+ngton National Monument Society, having seen in the public prints a statement that representations have been made in your body derogatory to their character, consider it their duty to lay before you an official account of their receipts and expenditures. They hope that the alleged statement is erroneous in ascribing to honorable members of your body imputations on private character which would not, without proof of their correctness, have been hazarded. The respect we entertain for the Senate restrains the expression of feelings which are not, however, the less indignant for this forbearance.

”We make this communication in the confidence that it will be the means of correcting any honest misapprehensions that may have existed; that it will be gratifying to a body distinguished for its justice to s.h.i.+eld honesty from wanton aspersion within its own walls; that it will afford an opportunity to men of honorable feelings, who may be conscious of having cast unmerited reproach on characters, we flatter ourselves, unsullied, to retract them; that more especially, in case the charges be not retracted, it may be lodged among the public archives as evidence as well of their unfounded nature as of the fidelity with which we have discharged duties of a disinterested and elevated nature; and that, if it be deemed expedient, it be printed by your order by such publicity challenging any detection of the slightest departure from truth. We indeed not only hold ourselves amenable to the public, but are ready at any moment to submit our proceedings to the most rigid examination which either House of Congress may see fit to inst.i.tute.

”By order of the Board of Managers:

”PETER FORCE, ”_Second Vice-President_.

”GEORGE WATTERSTON, ”_Secretary_.”

The statement of receipts and _expenditures_ exhibited showed the following collections:

Maine, $1,600.00 Vermont, 31.95 Connecticut, 1,438.61 New York, 1,167.21 New Jersey, 1,491.61 Pennsylvania, 2,102.85 Delaware, 361.98 Maryland, 3,057.99 Virginia, 1,500.00 South Carolina, 570.00 Kentucky, 1,610.00 Ohio, 6,391.19 Louisiana, 701.26 Indiana, 340.00 Illinois, 700.00 Mississippi, 2,120.00 District of Columbia, 836.36 Florida, 227.00 Army, 565.89 Navy, 228.25

Interest on stocks, in which net collections were invested, $1,608.73, all of which sums, except $476.67, cash in hand, and the _necessary_ expenses of the Society, amounting to _only_ $465.56, had been invested in productive stocks.

June 19, 1838, Mr. Morris (Ohio) arose in the Senate to a question of privilege. He found in a morning paper of the city an editorial censuring the course which his colleague and himself had deemed it their duty to take with regard to the bill to grant leave to a Society or company of gentlemen who have united together to erect a monument to the memory of Was.h.i.+ngton upon a portion of the public grounds in this city.

* * * The object of his colleague and himself had been to obtain information on the subject, and he stated expressly, if in error, he wished the error to be corrected by authentic doc.u.ments, and on that account he objected to the bill until it was clearly shown what money had been taken up and to what use it had been applied. * * * He was not willing to attach the honor of his country to a scheme which, for aught he knew, might have been carried on by means of fraud and deception. Yet this reasonable _request_ had been trumped up by the morning papers as making a grave charge, or at least casting imputations. * * * He said it was evident to his mind that the object and design of this publication was to produce political effect. It was well known that a majority of the Senate were the friends of the administration, and if this article could impress the public mind with the belief that those who sustained the administration had no regard for the memory of Was.h.i.+ngton, he had no doubt it was expected it would tend to promote individual and _party_ views. It was a kind of left-handed blow to injure the administration and its friends in the Senate by charging them with meanness in refusing to accede to the wishes of the Society. But he feared there was another motive beside veneration for the name of Was.h.i.+ngton that prompted the agents and managers of this project to be so ardent in their endeavor to link themselves and scheme to the public concerns of the country. They were reported as having about $30,000. This sum they could easily expend on the foundation, or even the first corner-stone of the Monument. They could devise a plan for the superstructure that would cost millions of dollars, and if they could make this affair a government concern, they would insist, no doubt, that the country would be disgraced if the building was not completed, and Congress would be solicited and urged to appropriate for the purpose with all the force of speech and the _blandishments of parties_. Millions would be thus called for, and, in his opinion, appropriated if the scheme now in operation can succeed, to be expended by a private corporation, whose dependent friends and followers would grow rich in the progress of the work. He was totally averse to the Government having anything to do in this matter or any other in which individuals were also to be concerned. It was this that induced him to move postponement of the bill.

Mr. Allen concurred with his colleague. He objected to the bill because it placed the construction under the Commissioner of Public Buildings and Grounds, and being upon public ground, Congress must appropriate any deficiency or the people must be again visited by hosts of traveling agents. * * * These he thought sufficient reasons for rejecting the bill without division.

Mr. Clay deprecated the irregular discussion, and said that no newspaper in the country was conducted with more regard to propriety, decorum, truth, and _faithfulness_ of report than the ”National Intelligencer,”

and he could wish that the other journals of this city, and particularly the one connected with the Government, would look more to this point for example.

Notwithstanding the Society by its memorial had furnished the information _requested_ by Mr. Morris, and stood ready for investigation of its affairs, the memorial was ultimately laid on the table and the matter was dropped.

This debate was noticed in the public press, local and elsewhere. It cannot be known what, if any, influence it had throughout the country to impair the efforts of the Society in the collection of funds or to weaken confidence in the enterprise. Such a result was not improbable.

December 10, 1818, the Society adopted and issued in pamphlet form--